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Showing posts with label Perus. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Perus. Show all posts

Monday, June 27, 2011

Peru's Airport Siege: A Bad Omen for the New President (Time.com)

If the past few days are any indication of things to come, Peru's President-elect Ollanta Humala is in for a rough ride when he takes office on July 28. On Saturday, indigenous protesters in the country's southeast radically upped the stakes in their nearly seven-week campaign against the government's mining and oil/gas policies by taking over an airport in Juliaca, the business hub of the Puno department. Five protesters were killed by the police the previous day in an earlier attempt to take the airport. The losses from the series of strikes and shut-downs is estimated at close to $100 million and, apart from the violence, are sending shudders through an economy already nervous about Humala's left-leaning proclivities. Indeed, the controversy has become more than a quarrel about a single project but has come to symbolize a larger debate about development in Peru.

"The government allowed this problem to grow from opposition to a mining project to opposition to mining and hydrocarbons in general," says Rolando Luque, of the Peruvian government's human rights ombudsman's office. (See why Peru is fearful of its new president.)

Luque says such conflicts will likely increase when Humala takes office, with Peruvians expecting him to make good on campaign promises to better distribute the wealth generated by the country's decade-long economic boom. "We are talking about economic growth between 6% and 10% annually for the past few years, which has created expectation in the population," says Luque. "These expectations are likely to increase, forcing the state to be more representative and effective when it comes to how resources are used."

The protests in Puno began in early May in a few towns bordering Lake Titicaca, the world's highest navigable lake, which Peru's shares with neighboring Bolivia. The initial demand was for the cancellation of a mining concession granted in 2007 to Canada's Bear Creek Mining. Protesters blocked the bordering crossing with Bolivia and other highways. The government of incumbent President Alan GarcIa began responding only after the first flare-up of violence in late May, when protesters set fire to several government buildings and threatened to disrupt the June 5 presidential elections that Humala eventually won. (Humala took Puno department with almost 78% of the vote, his largest margin of victory among Peru's 26 administrative departments.) (See pictures of Peru's sacred glacier.)

The GarcIa government offered to partially meet the demands of the indigenous protesters and environmental activists, announcing that it would suspend mining concessions for 12 months. Protests leaders, however, rejected the offer and re-erected roadblocks on June 7, insisting on the elimination of Bear Creek's permit. The strike then spread from the four provinces around Lake Titicaca to the whole of Puno department, affecting other industries as well. "We have been clear from the start that we want this concession, which was illegally awarded, to be withdrawn," Walter Aduviri, head of the environmental front that led the initial strike, told TIME in a telephone interview prior to the violent incident at the airport.

The government finally decided to rescind the Bear Creek concession on June 24, but the move came just as 4,000 protesters were already marching on the Juliaca airport. Police officers fired on the protesters when they tried to take over the runway. Thousands returned to the airport the following day, taking over the terminal and occupying the runway. Protest leaders have not indicated whether they plan on lifting the strike, but demonstrators had left the Juliaca airport by Sunday morning and there were no reports of protests in other areas of Puno. President GarcIa on Saturday said there were "dark political interests" behind the protests that want to pressure Humala, who is just now beginning to form his Cabinet and the roadmap he will follow in his five-year term.

Humala, for his part, has refused demands from members of GarcIa's APRA party that he get involved in the conflict. "I call on the central government and leaders in Puno to put aside violent actions and look for a peaceful solution," Humala said on Saturday even as he refused to get into the direct negotiations with any party in the Puno conflict. Most analysts agree that any solution reached between the GarcIa government and the protesters will likely be temporary; and that Humala will inherit the mess upon his inauguration, facing intense pressure not only from the protesters but from corporations, both local and global, with huge investments in Peru. (See the Nobel prize winner that didn't become Peru's president.)

The government and mining and oil/gas companies estimate that there will be more than $50 billion in investment in new projects in the coming 10 years. Bear Creek is not the only company to be adversely affected by protests. In April, the government revoked the concession for a $950-million copper project being developed by Southern Copper Corporation. That move came after four people were killed in clashes with police officers. Last week, the GarcIa government also cancelled a $4-billion hydroelectric plant that would have been built in Puno's Carabaya province.

Meanwhile, according to Luque's office, nearly 100 protesters have been killed past three years in clashes with police officers, including 24 police officers and 10 indigenous protesters killed during a clash on June 5, 2009. The ombudsman's office catalogued 227 local protest movements in May, with Puno in second place nationally with 21 such conflicts. Hernando de Soto, Peru's best known economist, told TIME in an interview several weeks earlier that his Democracy and Liberty Institute estimates around 1,000 social conflicts simmering in the country.

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Saturday, June 4, 2011

Ollanta Humala: The Military Man Who May Win Peru's Election (Time.com)

Much attention has been spent on the candidacy of Keiko Fujimori to be president of Peru. After all, she is the daughter of a controversial former president who now sits in prison. However, according to polls, she is running neck-and-neck with Ollanta Humala, a political figure who evokes as much controversy and, at times, hatred as the Fujimori family does.

Humala, 48, is a retired lieutenant colonel in the Peruvian Army. The military was his life for 20 years and up until 2005 he thought his service to the country would only be in the army. "I never really thought about the presidency," he insists during an interview with TIME two days before the election. "My dream was to be the commanding general of the army." However, he did enter politics, quitting his job as military attachE in Seoul, South Korea. Frightening the more privileged classes with a leftist rhetoric that conjured up images of Venezuela's Hugo ChAvez, he nevertheless came very close to winning his first presidential run in 2006, receiving 47% of the vote. This time around, he got 32% in the first round of presidential voting in April, placing first by a margin of nearly eight points and moving into Sunday's runoff. (See Ollanta's opponent, Keiko Fujimori.)

Fujimori, however, made up lost ground, took the lead in some polls for a while and is now in a dead heat with Humala. Two polls had in him first place, between one and three points ahead of the congresswoman, while two others had Fujimori up by one point. Giovanna PeNaflor, of the IMASEN polling firm, said the country has never been this politically polarized or divided. She said the election is anyone's game, because "support is fragile. A large number of voters are voting against a candidate instead of for one."

While Humala is defined as center-left and Fujimori as center-right, the two have very similar ideas when it comes to bread-and-butter issues. They both offer a long list of social programs, including free day care, scholarships for the best high school students and assistance to senior citizens. In terms of economic policy, both say they will pay for part of their platforms by levying a windfall tax on mining, the motor of Peru's fast-growing economy, and by attracting more foreign investment. (See why same-sex marriages will influence the race.)

During the campaign, Humala hammered at his opponent over her father's regime - its legacy of corruption and human rights abuse - and the fact that many of his advisors are now her advisors. Humala has made great fun of the fact that the former president's private nurse at his specially built prison cell ran for Congress on his daughter's ticket. In their only official face off, a testy debate on May 29, Fujimori snapped at Humala, saying if he wanted to debate her father he should go to the police barracks where he is incarcerated.

Humala also has problems because of his links to a President - but this one isn't in Peru or even Peruvian. That would be Venezuela's ChAvez. Learning from incumbent President Alan GarcIa's successful run-off against Humala in 2006, the Fujimori campaign has accused the ex-military man of being a puppet of ChAvez. There certainly was a political affinity between Humala and ChAvez in 2006, with the Venezuelan president taking shots at GarcIa during the race. This time around, however, Humala has chosen a new mentor, looking to Brazilian former president, Luiz InAcio Lula da Silva, and the example of Peru's hugely successful neighbor for an economic model.

The U.S. government appears to have taken sides, with a former U.S. assistant secretary of state for western hemisphere affairs Roger Noriega, repeating local allegations that ChAvez has financed Humala's current campaign. "I categorically deny this. It is irresponsible for an ex-diplomat to be making these kinds of allegations three days before Peruvians vote," Humala told TIME. Noriega, like Peruvians who have made similar accusations, did not produce evidence. (See why there might be no good choice in Peru's election.)

Peruvians opposed to Humala see similarities to ChAvez. Humala shot to fame in October 2000 when he led a small band of soldiers in a southern barracks in a revolt against his rival's father who was then the president and already reeling from a massive corruption scandal that would eventually end his rule. ChAvez's political career began in much the same way in the 1990s. Humala, who was then jailed and dismissed from the army, said that action was simply aimed at getting rid of a corrupt president and nothing more. "The only thing I wanted after the uprising was to rejoin the army and continue with my career. I had no political intentions," he told TIME.

But there may be another precedent that Humala may repeat. If he does win on June 5, Humala will be in the footsteps of the only other Peruvian military officer who was democratically elected president. Luis SAnchez Cerro led a military coup in the 1930s and was a military attachE to France. He returned to Peru and was elected president. Humala was reinstated into the army in 2001 after his attempted coup and then named military attachE to France before he went on his brief interlude in South Korea. Instead of being a ChAvez imitator, Humala could very well be replicating SAnchez Cerro.

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