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Showing posts with label science. Show all posts
Showing posts with label science. Show all posts

Saturday, July 2, 2011

Morocco's referendum on reform: Model for Arab Spring? (The Christian Science Monitor)

Rabat, Morocco – Moroccans voted Friday in a referendum on constitutional reforms, amid deep disagreement over whether it represented a new path for reform in a troubled region or another autocrat's hollow bid to diffuse popular discontent.

"I voted yes because this new constitution introduces good changes in the society, without the use of violence," said Marwan Akroum, a company manager who had just emerged from a polling station in the popular Rabat neighborhood of Yacoub Mansour. "I believe this reform is a unique model in the Muslim Arab world."

The proposed changes give more executive power to the prime minister, strengthen the judiciary, stress the importance of gender equality, and recognize Berber as a national language. Yet, critics point out, the changes fall far short of transforming Morocco into a European-style constitutional monarchy, as the opposition wanted.

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"This reform is partial," says Elabadila Chbihna, one of the coordinators of the February 20 protest movement, which boycotted the referendum. "We are not at the vegetable market, negotiating prices. The king cannot propose an 80 percent democracy."

With the new constitution, King Mohammed VI – whose family has reigned for three centuries – looses his "sacred" status. Yet he remains the Amir al Mu'minin, the Commander of the Faithful, thus maintaining power over the religious establishment. He also retains control over the defense and security forces. He can still impose emergency laws. While the prime minister can appoint all ministers, the king has veto power on those appointments and all new laws need to be confirmed by him.

"The power remains concentrated in the hands of the monarch," says Othmane Baqa, member of the Conference democratique du Travail, a workers' union with the February 20 movement. He supported the boycott, he said, because the king did not take into consideration proposals submitted by the opposition.

"The reforms were imposed by the monarchy, there was not a constitutional assembly composed by members of the civil society," he said, sitting in the headquarters of the union in central Rabat.

Praise for king's 'clear commitment to democracy'King Mohammed VI announced the reforms, meant to curb the power of the 300-year-old dynasty, in an historic March 9 speech as protests were sweeping his country and the broader Arab world.

Some see the proposed reforms as opening a new chapter of the Arab Spring in which the regime, with no bullets or teargas, introduces changes itself.

The European Union said the reform initiative "signals a clear commitment to democracy." Prominent Western analysts have hailed the changes as a new beginning.

"What's so important about what the Moroccan king has done is that he is forging a different model of change in the Arab world," wrote Kenneth M. Pollack recently for the Washington-based Brookings Institution, where he is the director of the Saban Center for Middle East Policy.

Mohammed Ziane, the founder of the Moroccan Liberal Party, supported the reforms with enthusiasm, linking the changes in Morocco with regional events. "This is a beginning," he says on the phone from Casablanca. "Moroccans and the populations of the region finally started thinking about democracy, asking to have more control on their governments."

Why some opposition leaders boycotted the voteBut some opposition leaders were not impressed by the proposed changes, and urged the population to boycott Friday's vote.

Those calling for a boycott came together under the umbrella of the February 20 movement - named for the day of the first anti-regime demonstration.

Similar to the loose-knit coalitions that have led protests in other Arab countries, the movement is made up of young Moroccans, bloggers, Internet activists, small labor unions, some ultra-leftist groups and the Justice and Spirituality Organization, an illegal but tolerated Islamist movement. It has been campaigning against the referendum and organizing protests.

The efforts of the opposition parties were out-muscled though by the campaign for a "yes" vote, which were more organized and widespread.

In every Rabat neighborhood, big posters urged voters to go to the polls; in popular markets banners declared shopkeepers' support for the king; imams in the mosques last Friday urged devotees to go to the polls and the king's smiling face was on the front page of every national magazine. Opposition activists claimed that local and regional associations, under pressure from the government, shuttled people by bus to attend pro-referendum demonstrations in many cities.

There is little doubt in Morocco about the outcome of the referendum: most analysts expect a resounding "yes," thanks at least partly to the monarch's long history of coopting political rivals into alliances with the regime.

So the success of the king's move will be measured not by the result but by voter turnout. The national press agency, MAP, said on Friday afternoon that 60 percent of 13 million registered voters cast ballots, a percentage difficult to confirm independently.

Implementation will be keyThe real challenge for king Mohammed VI starts with the closing of the ballot stations.

"This constitution has potential, it strips the king of a lot of power," said Maati Monjib, a professor of politcal history at Rabat University. "The changes introduced in 1996 in a previous constitutional referendum were never implemented. The future of the reform depends now on the pressure the street can still exert."

The opposition of February 20 has announced it will hold demonstrations every Sunday in the main Moroccan cities.

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Chávez' supporters ask: How can our superman be ill? (The Christian Science Monitor)

Caracas – As Hugo Chavez graces the big screen in a rowdy city center bar in Caracas, Santiago Valledare stands up and salutes, with no hint of irony.

After a completely uncharacteristic three-week silence, his president is about to announce that he has received treatment for a tumor while in Cuba. After watching the president’s subdued statement, Valledare stands firm: “My Comandante doesn't have cancer. It’s not true,” he says, still standing. “He is the best president we have ever had.... [He is] a strong man. He is not ill.”

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Other so-called Chavistas in the bar share similar sentiments. Nearby, workers paint a wall, having just watched the same 15-minute appearance. "This is a lie.... I don't know why he said it but it's not true," insists Luis, as he takes a break to discuss the news with colleagues.

To his supporters, Chavez is a larger than life figure, someone whose defiance of the US and preaching of social justice has transformed Venezuelan society. But his socialist revolution has been built around his popularity and personality, and there is no one on the horizon who could take his place, which could mean another radical political shift for Venezuela if his illness proves serious.

“For Chavistas it is very tough to accept that their supreme leader is no longer the strongman,” suggests Michael Shifter, president of the Inter-American Dialogue. “His human frailties have been exposed. For his avid followers there is no one else, only Chavez.”

Sympathy vote?Some consider it a political ploy. “It draws sympathy,” offers Julio Angola, an industrial designer in a more trendy bar just outside the city’s center. Accountant Freddy Herrera struggles to hide his delight at the next table. “It’s perfect,” he says with a smile. “[Venezuela] has struggled over the last 12 years and the revolution doesn’t work because socialism is a lie.” “We’re about to lose our president, which is huge,” says Laura Gleeson, walking her Dachshund up the Avila, the beautiful mountain that overlooks Caracas. But she says she is not a fan of either Chavez’s ministers or opposition figures. “I don’t like anybody. We don’t have the right person right now." “This is bad for the country,” Ms. Gleeson says. “Maybe the opposition will think that this is the best way of getting rid of Chavez. But this isn’t good for the country.” Boris Segura, economist at investment bank Nomura in New York, feels that the tide of the Bolivarian revolution that begun 13 years ago may be turning. “This situation is a game changer,” he says. “I’m not saying that the opposition will win next year but it is more likely. There is no Chavismo without Chavez. This leaves the Chavistas confused. There will be a sympathy effect over the next few weeks and his popularity might go up... But is he going to be able to run next year?”

Mr. Shifter says a political shift may be in the offing. “Venezuela is likely to experience political turbulence. For all of Chavez's unpredictability, he managed to keep the country together and on course, however failed. His revolution has been stalled for some time. This is precisely the moment when Venezuela needs new leaders to emerge, both within the Chavez movement and the opposition.” Those leaders within Chavez’s own party are beginning to come out of the woodwork, gaining the confidence they have lacked over the past three weeks. The opposition will also be looking at how to best play the news in preparation for the year ahead as elections loom.


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Venezuelan supporters pray for Hugo Chávez amid health concerns [VIDEO] (The Christian Science Monitor)

Caracas, Venezuela – Just a block away from President Hugo Chavez’s presidential palace, worshippers at the Santa Capilla church are praying for his quick return to health.

Three weeks out of the spotlight for the leader have fueled rumors at home and abroad of health problems and concerns that the revolutionary may be on his way out as he languishes in a Cuban hospital bed.

“All the churches of this country are praying for Chavez," says Jimmy Olvas, sitting outside Santa Capilla with a boisterous group of domino players. “We pray for him to return quickly and to recover fast.”

RELATED: Where is Hugo Chavez?

While concerned, Chavez supporters in Caracas – known as Chavistas – remain confident in their government.

“Our ministers are doing a good job and our Comandante will be back,” says pensioner Pedro Torrulos as he stands under a large photo of Chavez in a socialist canteen, one of the president’s headline-grabbing initiatives to feed the poor of Venezuela who make up the bulk of his support.

How is Chavez doing?Images and video of Chavez alongside Cuba’s Fidel and Raul Castro have been released in order to quell speculation. However, many are now questioning the date on which the photos were produced.

Compounding Chavez’s long, silent absence are the contradictory statements of his government, which have only fueled speculation.

The statements of those in power signal that they are confused and themselves out of the loop. Deputy Foreign Minister Temir Porras announced on Twitter that his president was “recovering well” earlier this week while his own boss, Foreign Minister Nicolas Maduro has described Chavez’s “great battle” for his health.

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ChA?vez's health issues apparently forced the government to cancel a long-planned Latin America summit scheduled for next week. The event was to be attended by many of the regiona€™s heads of state with the aim of putting together plans for the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, essentially an organization designed to counter US influence in the region.

This was to coincide with Venezuela’s bicentenary. As a firebrand revolutionary, Chavez always appears keen to grandstand at events that celebrate the break with colonization. Planning has been huge, and murals continue to be painted as helicopters swirl around Caracas in preparation for a military showcase on Tuesday. No announcement has been made on whether Chavez will be attending but it is looking unlikely with the summit canceled.

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Opposition seizes the momentWhile Chavistas remain confident, the opposition has jumped at the opportunity to attack not only Chavez and his government’s inability to give a straight answer as to his condition, but also the country’s ills. Henrique Capriles Radonski is a popular opposition leader and is most likely to win February’s primaries in order to fight Chavez in next year’s presidential elections.

After a rally in the Caracas slum of Petare, he said that he was not impressed that the socialist leadera€™s health was stealing focus from Venezuelaa€™s real troubles.

“The country's problems are not whether the president is or is not sick,” he said in a supporter’s kitchen among balloons and excited children – eerily echoing Chavez’s own immense public relations skills. “To me the problem is what is going on in [the prisons], the electrical problem and all the problems that every day we must solve as Venezuelans.”

He, like many analysts, believes that the whole situtation may be a political ploy in order to raise sympathy for Chavez before a “triumphant return” next week. He takes little interest in a growing debate on whether Chavez’s governance from Havana is legal, seeing it as a sideline to the real debate.

Other opposition figures disagree. “Pretending to be the president from Havana is totally unacceptable and unconstitutional. Every decision that he makes ... is totally illegal,” said opposition legislator Maria Corina Machado. "This way of handling information is typical of totalitarian regimes,” she continued. “It shows a lack of responsibility and bravery at a crucial time for all of us.”

Ominous warningsMeanwhile, Chavez’s elder brother Adan – who has taken the lead on publicizing positive spin on the president’s health – had ominous warnings for the opposition.

“It would be inexcusable to limit ourselves to only the electoral and not see other forms of struggle, including the armed struggle,” he said this week, quoting legendary Communist rebel fighter Che Guevara and reminding fans that taking up arms may be necessary to retain power should 2012 elections fail to continue Chavez's "21st century socialism."

Back in the socialist canteen, Torruloc maintains his confidence in the old guard.

“Remember that Fidel has been killed thousands of times,” he said with a smile. “If the opposition don't have Chavez, they go crazy. Without Chavez they're nothing, because they have nothing to talk about.”

RELATED: Where is Hugo Chavez?

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Friday, July 1, 2011

French journalists return home after Afghanistan hostage ordeal [VIDEO] (The Christian Science Monitor)

Paris Herve Ghesquiere and Stephane Taponier – Joy came to France this morning as the last two journalists held hostage under war conditions arrived home after 547 days in Taliban captivity. They said the ordeal raised their awareness of other hostages held “everywhere in the world.”

Herve Ghesquiere and Stephane Taponier of France 3 television started reporting in Afghanistan while embedded with a French military unit and were abducted in 2009 in the Kapisa Valley after visiting a town without the protection of troops, in order to get an authentic take on the area.

Today the two landed at a military air base outside Paris amid throngs of French journalists and hugged each other and family, answering questions in an ebullient moment. "We're doing really, really, really well," said Mr. Taponier, a cameraman who has worked in Gaza and Lebanon. “We stayed optimistic.”

When French Prime Minister Francois Fillon announced yesterday the release of the two at the National Assembly, that body erupted in a standing ovation. France has a famed tradition of patriotic emotion on the return home of captives. The release of a French-Colombian celebrity politician, Ingrid Betancourt, after six years held in the jungle brought a day of celebration two years ago.

The two France 3 journalists today described their ordeal as grueling due to poor conditions, lack of food, and uncertainty, but said they were not treated badly by their Taliban captors. Their translator, an Afghan national named Reza Din, was also released.

Winning hearts and minds in Afghanistan

“We were never threatened, never beaten, never tied up,” Taponier said. “But we were locked up 23 hours and 45 minutes [a day], with very little to eat, and always the same thing, ‘Afghan mountain special.’ It might sound stupid, food, but it's vital."

Mr. Ghesquiere, who worked in the Rwanda, Kosovo, and Balkan wars, said the experience has him thinking more of other unfortunates who are locked away or kidnapped. "There are many hostages in the world, I am really thinking about them,” he told colleagues today. “To be a hostage is complicated and difficult… I feel a deep emotion for them."

The two were released following a December intervention with Afghan President Hamid Karzai by French Foreign Minister Alain Juppe, as well as the announcement of a withdrawal of French troops this month after US President Obama’s decision to draw down US troop levels. The Paris-based Reporters San Frontiers says the two are the final professional journalists held hostage that they are aware of.

Unusually, for four months after their kidnapping the French government did not release the men’s names. The reason was to reduce pressure in negotiations, a tactic similar to that used by the New York Times in securing its reporter David Rhodes. It was the first time France had held back names of captives.

Perils of war reporting Journalists here later criticized French officials for insinuating, once their names were known, that the men were irresponsible and perhaps culpable, since they left their embed. The issue of operating independently in Taliban areas has been a sensitive and highly subjective one among foreign reporters in Afghanistan: The calculation pits the reporter’s experience and skill with a desire to achieve a thrilling or significant story and includes the risk of doing harm to local translators, civilians or troops that may be called to rescue.

In this case, the men had war reporting backgrounds. They worked for a highly regarded series on France 3 television called “Pieces a conviction,” an in-depth report akin to “Frontline” on US public television or “Assignment” on the BBC. Their Afghan report focused on a road reconstruction project in the French military zone to the east of Kabul and was planned for three months.

After it was posited today that French military officials warned the journalists not to go to the town they were captured in, Ghesquiere offered in a slight eruption that: "No one had warned us against going there… We didn't start out climbing the North Face of Everest wearing flip-flops, far from it… We didn't go there blindly… Let me make myself clear: No one told us anything."

GhesquierA? said he looked forward to returning to a normal life and that he did not want to a€?play the role of an ex-hostage.a€

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Thursday, June 30, 2011

Canada Day celebrated with Prince William and Kate [VIDEO] (The Christian Science Monitor)

New York – Canada Day will be celebrated across Canada, Friday, but in the capital of Ottawa, special guests are expected to garner more attention than usual. Prince William and Kate Middleton start their 11-day whirlwind tour of Canada and the US in Ottawa, Thursday.

The holiday celebrates Canada's 144th birthday, recognizing the unification of three previously separate British colonies into what is now Canada. Celebrations in Ottawa regularly include fireworks, concerts, and a parade, but this year Ottawa expects record-breaking crowds due to the royal couple's visit.

Gallery: Royal wedding day

Last year, Queen Elizabeth visited Ottawa on Canada Day as well, but did not attract the crowds William and Kate are expected to attract this week. The increased interest in the royal couple and their visit is expected to generate proportional media coverage as well.

Canadian Heritage minister James Moore told the CBC, "When [Queen Elizabeth] visited Canada last summer, there were 18 international journalists on the trip. On this trip, 274 international journalists are coming. It is by far the largest and most covered royal visit Canada has ever seen."

After spending the long Canada Day weekend in Ottawa, William and Kate will make their way across the country with stops in Montreal, Quebec City, Prince Edward Island, Yellowknife, and Calgary. In the US, the royal couple will stop in Los Angeles and Santa Barbara where William will play a charity polo match.

On their tour the royal couple is trying to save British taxpayers wherever possible, staying at the British consul general's residence in Los Angeles instead of lavish hotels and even flying with regular passengers on a standard British Airways flight out of Los Angeles.

Gallery: Royal wedding day

Watch highlights from the Queen’s visit to Ottawa on Canada Day in 2010:

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Hugo Chavez cancels Latin summit as health rumors swirl (The Christian Science Monitor)

The (new) video is certainly made to convince us that Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez is fine, showing him talking this time (unlike the last video released) and reading newspaper headlines as “proof of life,” but the president is certainly thinner, less energetic, and definitely recovering from something.

He disappeared for 18 days and is still not well enough to either address the nation or hold the summit to celebrate Venezuela's bicentennial next week on July 5. ...

The summit has been officially canceled, even if Chavez could still try to show up for the military parade that day. ...

What is clear is that, as I suggested a couple of days ago, Chavez has been very ill, is recovering and receiving “strict medical treatment” as stated in the press release canceling the summit.

The videos seem aimed more at a domestic audience than the rest of the world, sort of sending the message he is still around, don’t stir the pot, and follow the party line or else.

But there is no question that things will be different if Chavez’s illness is chronic or serious and will diminish his ability to campaign and/or run the country.

This changes the game.

With a Chavez with diminished popularity, the upcoming campaign already required his full attention.... If what he has is a long-term problem, not only his supporters, but his collaborators will begin questioning whether he should be the revolution’s candidate in 2012.

This in itself may result in a weaker effort by Chavez’s supporters, worried about their long-term future and stability and the possible demise of the Bolivarian Revolution.

--- Miguel Octavio, a Venezuelan, is not a fan of Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez. You can read his blog here.


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Can Venezuela's anti-Chávez politicians unite? (The Christian Science Monitor)

Caracas, Venezuela – Women shriek and whip out their camera phones as political activists begin chanting "Si, se puede!," the Spanish-language version of "Yes, we can!"

Several dozen residents of a nearby hillside barrio have gathered in a small plaza to meet a new crop of local candidates, but the wave of gasps that rolls over the crowd as former Mayor Leopoldo Lopez arrives reveals who is the star of the show.

"I'm here to back him, to support him and his candidacy for president," says Isabel Lozada, a secretary from a modest Caracas district. "He's a young man with good ideas." Her friend, Rosario Contreras, adds, "He's a fighter, especially for humble people like us, the people from the barrio."

RELATED: Where is Hugo Chavez?

As more voters like Ms. Contreras voice their disillusionment with President Hugo Chavez's leftist government, Mr. Lopez and other opposition candidates are crisscrossing the nation, organizing rallies and hoping to build on what they say is a growing chorus for political change.

Sensing that this could be their best shot at victory, all the parties opposed to Mr. Chavez have agreed to put aside their differences and back a single candidate to be chosen in a February primary. The Harvard-educated Lopez, who long advocated for such a primary, hopes to be among the candidates but says he will support whichever nominee is picked.

"This candidate will have to be assumed as the captain of the team, but one who cannot win without the rest of the team," says Lopez.

The decision to hold a primary is a victory for a younger generation of Venezuelan leaders who for some years were locked in a generational battle with traditional party elders, most of whom held seats before Chavez stormed onto the political scene in the late 1990s. The new leaders are, on average, around 40 years old and have embraced Chavez's populist vision but believe that private investment and economic growth are the best ways to fight poverty.

"They represent the future, the faces of change, and likely have a better probability of winning against [Chavez]," says Alejandro Grisanti, chief economist at Barclays Capital. "It will be harder for Chavez to say one of these young candidates represents the past."

Unlike previous opponents to ChA?vez, who in the early years of his administration refused to take part in elections, saying the electoral process was rigged, these new leaders are seeking votes in the president's traditional turf.

"It's not enough to be a majority. We have to be an organized majority," Lopez told the small group assembled on a recent night. "Being an organized majority means having a presence in every barrio, in every subdivision, in every small town spreading our message of change. This means leaders who go house to house."

While he is one of the opposition's most telegenic figures, Lopez was barred from running for office in 2008 by anticorruption officials loyal to Chavez because of charges stemming from an unresolved corruption case.

Lopez and many others say the case was politically motivated to neutralize a potential opponent to Chavez. Lopez is fighting the case in the Inter-American Court of Human Rights and expects a verdict by September. If he wins, he will officially throw his hat in the presidential ring.

Other potential candidates include Henrique Capriles, the governor of Venezuela's second-largest state, and Caracas Mayor Antonio Ledezma, who waged a hunger strike to protest Chavez's moves to strip city and state officials of their authority.

Mr. Capriles has emerged in some polls as Venezuela's most popular politician, polling ahead of even Chavez, whose popularity has been steadily undercut by persistently high crime, double-digit inflation, shortages, and recurring power outages.

"[Chavez] has in his hands all the tools to make this country function, and if he did so everyone would support him," says Josefina Arias, a vendor who describes herself as a former Chavez supporter. "Unfortunately, I believe that Chavez has lost his vision of what Venezuela could be."

Ms. Arias was in the provincial capital of Los Teques with hundreds of others to receive state-funded vouchers from Capriles worth about $3,000 to repair rain-damaged homes.

Capriles says his nonideological focus on fixing everyday problems has helped him gain votes in traditional Chavez strongholds. "I'm first in the polls because I want what the people want: a new leadership based on unity, a government that is equally for everyone," says Capriles.

Both Lopez and Capriles point to last September's legislative elections in which opposition candidates received more votes than Chavez's United Socialist Party of Venezuela as proof that the electoral tide is turning in their favor.

Despite the opposition's popular win, Chavez assigned more electoral weight to sparsely populated regions, assuring his party's dominance in the National Assembly.

"Chavez has won through elections, but his daily maneuvering isn't democratic," Capriles says. "The challenge is to democratically overcome a government that isn't democratic."

Many observers wonder whether the unity will hold, but both Capriles and Lopez say they are certain the primary results will be respected by the other opposition hopefuls, saying it would be "political suicide" to run against whoever wins the primary.

The real challenge, says Lopez, will be maintaining an equilibrium between honest competition among very different options and maintaining a fragile unity that everyone recognizes is the key to winning. The potential for victory is too great to ignore, he believes, and will keep everyone focused and committed.

"The day after the primaries, we will have 335 candidates for mayor, 24 for governor, and one for president hitting the streets of the nation as a monolithic bloc," says Lopez, "which will undoubtedly uphold the political and emotional unity of all Venezuelans."

RELATED: Where is Hugo Chavez?


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Greek austerity squeaks through, but budget woes remain (The Christian Science Monitor)

Paris – Greek lawmakers under terrific urging from European Union officials today voted 155 to 148 to accept a package of austerity necessary to avert a government default and avoid a feared chain reaction of market turmoil around Europe and the world.

Markets were optimistic before today’s vote that Greek politicians would ignore a howling public that polls as high as 80 percent opposed to the $40 billion in government spending cuts and tax hikes that are the price of the international bailout that's staving off default. Other struggling “peripheral” euro-zone members, including Ireland, Portugal, Spain and Italy, are anxious not to suffer the negative market consequences of a Greek default.

The current Greek crisis, the second in slightly more than a year, is seen by some as a possible harbinger of European disunity, a turning point for greater isolation between the 17 eurozone members. Others see it as a necessary spur towards deeper integration.

Prime Minister George Papandreou framed today’s vote in historic terms and together with new finance minister Evangelos Venizelos, a heavyweight in the ruling Pasok party, pushed through the package and also avoided defections that could have brought the government down.

IN PICTURES: Greece protests

News reports have a Pasok party headquarters in Crete being burned down, and in Athens the outcome of the vote has brought enough tear gas on the street to put 30 people in the hospital. The nation is in the second day of general strikes called by the trade unions. In the past weeks, atmosphere for the mostly peaceful protests in Syntagma Square, epicenter of political anger, has turned violent.

Tomorrow brings another vote in Parliament to enable the austerity legislation. That vote is being treated as pro forma, though some of the specific details – for instance, a huge cut in utility spending – remain sensitive.

Show Greece the moneyToday’s vote, if ratified tomorrow, allows the release of a of $16.5 billion slice from the $142 billion bailout agreed in May 2010, after the Papandreou government admitted its books had been cooked to hide a $350 billion deficit. [Editor's note: This story was edited after posting to correct the size of the bailout package.]

Lacking a growth package and any structural adjustments, many Greek citizens say that agreeing to an austerity package merely sentences them to an unrelenting long-term debt problem that they can’t see a way out of.

“I’m not sure what will happen now. What I see is a lot of political and social polarization in Greece,” says Takis Pappas, an expert on Greek politics at the University of Strasbourg, “and this is what worries me at the moment. Greece doesn’t have room to maneuver. Will the opposition try to take down the government or be silent. The opposition [New Democrats] will likely play hardball.”

'Kicking the can'The fresh $16.5 billion, however, will only sustain the Greek payroll through the summer, causing some analysts to say today’s vote merely “kicks the can down the road.”

Yet analysts at Morgan Stanley, speaking anonymously, say that the new money and time bought by a€?kicking the cana€

Philippe Waechter, chief economist at Natixis Asset Management in Paris, says the vote may be salutary but still doesn’t offer a long term answer.

“Thanks to this vote we can avoid the problematic situation that would arise from Greece's straight default,” Mr. Waechter argues, “but this vote, on a very, very drastic austerity plan, only allows for Greece to benefit from the Troika's [EU, IMF, European Central Bank] next financing tranche. What is preoccupying is that a considerable effort is made to just meet a short-term deadline. What will happen tomorrow if Greece is again in the same situation, which will surely occur if nothing is done to tackle long-term problems?”

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Monday, June 27, 2011

Women's World Cup kicks off in Germany (The Christian Science Monitor)

Berlin – When host country Germany faces Canada tonight in the second match of the 2011 Women’s World Cup, they'll be playing in front of a sold-out crowd of 70,000 at Berlin’s Olympic stadium.

World soccer's governing body FIFA and Germany's national soccer associations hope that the sixth edition of the tournament will boost the popularity of a sport that is constantly a€“ and often unfavorably a€“ compared to the mena€™s version.

Sixteen teams compete over a course of four weeks. Reigning champion Germany and the US, both two-time winners of the cup, are favorites to win the trophy again, but there are a number of other contenders.

MONITOR QUIZ: Weekly news quiz for June 19-25, 2011

Brazil lays claim to Marta, who many consider the world's best player. Norway, which took the title in 1995, has played a solid qualifying round, and everyone agrees that the two Asian teams – Japan and North Korea – could pose a serious threat.

Canada have yet to beat the Germans in nine previous games, but coach Carolina Morace is optimistic for the opening match. “The Germans could suffer stage fright, particularly given all the supporters who’ll be there to encourage them,” Ms. Morace told reporters. “If we play well in the opening match, anything is possible.”

The Canadian coach may have a point when she reinterprets the home advantage as a possible burden.

German team faces pressure to performGermany’s female soccer players are expected to repeat nothing less than the “summer fairly-tale of 2006” when the country hosted the men’s cup and the whole nation was entranced by the performance of the German team – and by the newly-found ability to exhibit national pride without restraint.

Suddenly, it was perfectly OK to fix the German flag to the car antenna or to paint one’s face black, red, and yellow – acts that previously would have been frowned upon as an embarrassing display of a nationalism, unbecoming for a country with Germany’s violent past.

The German women's squad may find it hard to raise this kind of excitement.

Name one player, just oneIn a nation-wide poll this week more than half of those questioned could not name a single player on the national team.

This must be frustrating for someone like record forward Birgit Prinz, who has played 212 caps for Germany (her debut was in 1994 against Canada), scored 128 goals, and is taking part in her fifth World Cup. Compare that to her counterpart on the men’s team, Miroslav Klose, who is one year her junior, has played 109 caps, and scored 61 goals. Mr. Klose has an estimated annual income of 7 million euros ($10 million), Ms. Prinz makes about 130,000 euros ($185,000).

“We hope that this tournament gives the decisive boost for women soccer’s professionalization,” says Steffi Jones, former German player and currently president of the 2011 World Cup’s organization committee. “I want female players to be able to live off their sport, and not be forced to have a day job.”

This may be far off in a country that does not have a professional women soccer’s league yet.

Until 1970, Germany’s soccer association explicitly banned women from playing, arguing that soccer “as a combative sport is fundamentally alien to the female nature,” and that the “display of the female body violates etiquette and decency.”

MONITOR QUIZ: Weekly news quiz for June 19-25, 2011


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Sunday, June 26, 2011

Egyptian men explain their relentless catcalls (The Christian Science Monitor)

Cairo – Mohammad Anter hands out flyers to evening crowds on a packed Cairo street, trying to catch the attention of any passerby – until one catches his.

“Hey, hot chic!” he yells. “You have beautiful eyes!” Mr. Anter is a computer science student and salesman at a small shop here; he is one of Cairo’s many casual harassers.

“We’re an Eastern culture, so it’s all right for me to yell out – when I’m attracted to someone, I do it,” he says, surrounded by fluorescent store lights and shoppers in every direction.

Anter is not alone: The Egyptian Center for Women’s Rights found in a 2008 study that 83 percent of women are sexually harassed and roughly half of Egypt's women experience such treatment on a daily basis.

RELATED HarassMap: An effort to put sexual harassment on the map view Twitter and text

Many thought that men like Anter had changed during Egypt's uprising five months ago. When hundreds of thousands converged on Tahrir Square in a collective effort to oust President Hosni Mubarak, men and women stood side by side in unified protests with few instances of sexual harassment.

But while activists say the revolution was a step in the right direction, the popular demand for greater freedom has not necessarily brought a greater recognition of women's rights or reprieve from harassment.

"Just because Mubarak stepped down doesn’t make people anymore educated or aware of how to behave appropriately and respectfully,” says Amy Mowafi, editor of an Egyptian women’s magazine called Enigma.

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Activists are seeking to make people more aware, however, most recently with a June 20 Twitter campaign under the hashtag #endSH. Offline, Nazra for Feminist Studies is working on building a grassroots feminist movement. And in early June, an Egyptian women’s Charter was released with half a million signatures of people calling for women’s social and political representation and equal economic and legal rights.

Men blame delayed marriages, inappropriate clothingDown the street from Anter, a group of young men guarding their carts of colored T-shirts say they didn’t have time to think about hassling women during Egypt's 18-day uprising; they were concerned with political aims. Now they’re back to their monotonous jobs and catcalling is a way to pass the time and make casual jokes.

“It’s normal – people here really like to laugh, so it’s OK,” says one man.

“See that girl?” asks another man, Ahmed Mahfouz. He points to a woman with flowing black hair, wearing a short-sleeve shirt. “We’d yell out to her because she likes the attention. That’s why she dresses like that.”

But farther down the street Abdel Azim admits that it's not just the less conservatively dressed women who get unwanted attention.

“Usually we hassle the girls who dress inappropriately,” he says. “And veiled girls who are extremely beautiful – then we can’t help it.”

Anter says men wouldn’t harass women so much if they could get married younger, though activists denounce that as an unacceptable excuse. Local tradition requires that men have an average of 15,000 Egyptian pounds (about $2,500) before formally asking a woman’s hand in marriage. The 25-year-old, who works two jobs, has been unofficially engaged for more than two years. He still doesn’t have enough money to get married.

“Egyptians are conservative,” says Fatma Emam, a research associate at women’s rights organization Nazra, “so people don’t get involved in sexual relations until they are married. They find sexual harassment a way to express their sexual frustration.”

Mr. Azim says delayed marriage is one of the reasons for harassment, but explains that married men harass women too. He does it only when his wife isn’t looking.

Anter gets a disappointing phone callActivist and feminist Nawal El Sadaawy, who has fought for Egyptian women’s rights for decades, suggests that sexual harassment is part of a broader oppression of women in Egyptian society.

“We are oppressed by the patriarchal class system… . We are oppressed by power – military power, class oppression, and money," she says. "So we have to connect harassment to political and economic harassment.”

She says the toppling of Mubarak was the first step in effecting change for women.

But lasting change – whether political or social – will likely take many years. One draws parallels to an argument made by writer Frantz Fanon, who believed women's participation in the Algerian Revolution would change social relations forever. “And of course he was 100 percent wrong,” says Marina Ottaway of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington. “As soon as the war was over, things went exactly to the way they were.”

Back on one of downtown’s dusty streets, as the evening grew late, Anter's phone rang. “My fiancee just called and broke off our engagement,” he says, his eyes heavy. “Her family is tired of waiting.”

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Libya war cuts financial lifeline for Ghana (The Christian Science Monitor)

Nkoranza, Ghana – Once an important financial lifeline to Ghana, more than 18,000 Ghanaian migrant workers are back in their home country and unemployed after having fled the violence of the Libyan civil war.

Although they are now safe, the workers' return ended the flow of money via remittances into Ghana, putting their families under economic strain.

Nearly 184,000 sub-Saharan Africans have fled Libya with the assistance of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) since the conflict began in February, mostly from neighboring countries. Almost all of the Ghanaian returnees are young men who are now unemployed.

For the families of the returned migrants, the homecoming is bittersweet.

RELATED: On Libya-Tunisia border, refugees plead for help to go home

Frank Opoko, a tailor, returned to Ghana on an IOM-assisted flight from Tunisia two months ago. His family welcomed his safe arrival.

“They feel happy, because we were in danger over there,” he said. “Our problem is that we are here empty-handed.... [We] have wives and children. How can [we] take care of them?”

Mr. Opoko migrated to Libya two years ago in search for work, after the death of his father put pressure on him to provide for his mother and younger siblings.

“In Africa here, only Libya has work. Burkina [Faso], no work. Nigeria, no work. Even South Africa is bad. So only Libya is okay for us,” he said.

He had heard about the economic opportunities in Libya from a cousin who had travelled there, so he decided to follow. Opoko borrowed money from a friend to make the dangerous journey across the Sahara to Libya. He bussed to Niger where he joined a group of other West Africans for the six-week trek on foot across the desert with little water or food. Of Opoko's group, 17 of 75 people died on route.

While in Libya as an undocumented worker, he quickly found work as a tiler. He was able to send home 500 Ghana Cedis ($325) a€“ equivalent to the average annual household income in rural Ghana according to the IOM 2009 Country Profile. His mother used the money to help cover the cost of food and to pay the school fees of Opoko's younger brother.

'Pressure to migrate and remit'In Ghana, as in many sub-Saharan African countries, the remittances of migrant workers form an essential part of the family income.

The Bank of Ghana reported that $2.45 billion was sent to Ghana in remittances in 2010. This figure outstrips the 2010 foreign direct investment of $1.28 billion, according to the Ghana Investment Promotion Centre, and comprises 6.5 percent of the estimated GDP for that year.

Peter Quartey, the deputy head of the Centre for Migration Studies at the University of Ghana, says that family members often encourage young, unemployed men to migrate.

“[There is a perception that] it is when you migrate that life is better. So there's always the pressure ... to migrate and also remit the family,” Mr. Quartey said. “People lose their wives to migrants. People get wives quicker when they have migrated.”

Migration within West Africa increased when an ECOWAS agreement was signed in 1979 permitting free movement of people within the member countries.

Quartey says that the lure of Libya for Ghanaians has to do with the network that has formed between Ghanaians who have already migrated and those at home. a€?One or two [Ghanaians] might have gone and succeeded and therefore the chain of migration has continued.a€

Libya is also seen as a stepping stone to Europe. Opoko said he, too, hoped to eventually continue on to Italy or Spain.

Unknown impact on GhanaWhen the fighting in Libya intensified, Opoko fled the country to Tunisia. Along the way, he was attacked by Libyan soldiers who robbed him of his savings. Like many other migrants, he returned to Ghana with nothing.

Jean-Philippe Chauzy, a spokesperson for the IOM, says the full economic impact of the loss of remittances will probably never be known.

“Many of the Ghanaians in Libya were there as irregular migrants, therefore [they] didn't have any bank accounts or anything,” Mr. Chauzy said. “So the money they managed to send back was probably sent back informally and therefore very difficult to track.”

Opoko has been unemployed since returning to Ghana. He depends on friends and family for food and money. He says that if he is unable to find work, he will migrate again.

“If I get money right now, I'll start a business. But I don't have [any], and I can't steal,” he said. “It's a problem. I am supposed to take care of my mother. I am supposed to pay the school fees of my brother. But I can't keep borrowing money.”

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Libya war cuts financial lifeline for Ghana (The Christian Science Monitor)

Nkoranza, Ghana – Once an important financial lifeline to Ghana, more than 18,000 Ghanaian migrant workers are back in their home country and unemployed after having fled the violence of the Libyan civil war.

Although they are now safe, the workers' return ended the flow of money via remittances into Ghana, putting their families under economic strain.

Nearly 184,000 sub-Saharan Africans have fled Libya with the assistance of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) since the conflict began in February, mostly from neighboring countries. Almost all of the Ghanaian returnees are young men who are now unemployed.

For the families of the returned migrants, the homecoming is bittersweet.

RELATED: On Libya-Tunisia border, refugees plead for help to go home

Frank Opoko, a tailor, returned to Ghana on an IOM-assisted flight from Tunisia two months ago. His family welcomed his safe arrival.

“They feel happy, because we were in danger over there,” he said. “Our problem is that we are here empty-handed.... [We] have wives and children. How can [we] take care of them?”

Mr. Opoko migrated to Libya two years ago in search for work, after the death of his father put pressure on him to provide for his mother and younger siblings.

“In Africa here, only Libya has work. Burkina [Faso], no work. Nigeria, no work. Even South Africa is bad. So only Libya is okay for us,” he said.

He had heard about the economic opportunities in Libya from a cousin who had travelled there, so he decided to follow. Opoko borrowed money from a friend to make the dangerous journey across the Sahara to Libya. He bussed to Niger where he joined a group of other West Africans for the six-week trek on foot across the desert with little water or food. Of Opoko's group, 17 of 75 people died on route.

While in Libya as an undocumented worker, he quickly found work as a tiler. He was able to send home 500 Ghana Cedis ($325) a€“ equivalent to the average annual household income in rural Ghana according to the IOM 2009 Country Profile. His mother used the money to help cover the cost of food and to pay the school fees of Opoko's younger brother.

'Pressure to migrate and remit'In Ghana, as in many sub-Saharan African countries, the remittances of migrant workers form an essential part of the family income.

The Bank of Ghana reported that $2.45 billion was sent to Ghana in remittances in 2010. This figure outstrips the 2010 foreign direct investment of $1.28 billion, according to the Ghana Investment Promotion Centre, and comprises 6.5 percent of the estimated GDP for that year.

Peter Quartey, the deputy head of the Centre for Migration Studies at the University of Ghana, says that family members often encourage young, unemployed men to migrate.

“[There is a perception that] it is when you migrate that life is better. So there's always the pressure ... to migrate and also remit the family,” Mr. Quartey said. “People lose their wives to migrants. People get wives quicker when they have migrated.”

Migration within West Africa increased when an ECOWAS agreement was signed in 1979 permitting free movement of people within the member countries.

Quartey says that the lure of Libya for Ghanaians has to do with the network that has formed between Ghanaians who have already migrated and those at home. a€?One or two [Ghanaians] might have gone and succeeded and therefore the chain of migration has continued.a€

Libya is also seen as a stepping stone to Europe. Opoko said he, too, hoped to eventually continue on to Italy or Spain.

Unknown impact on GhanaWhen the fighting in Libya intensified, Opoko fled the country to Tunisia. Along the way, he was attacked by Libyan soldiers who robbed him of his savings. Like many other migrants, he returned to Ghana with nothing.

Jean-Philippe Chauzy, a spokesperson for the IOM, says the full economic impact of the loss of remittances will probably never be known.

“Many of the Ghanaians in Libya were there as irregular migrants, therefore [they] didn't have any bank accounts or anything,” Mr. Chauzy said. “So the money they managed to send back was probably sent back informally and therefore very difficult to track.”

Opoko has been unemployed since returning to Ghana. He depends on friends and family for food and money. He says that if he is unable to find work, he will migrate again.

“If I get money right now, I'll start a business. But I don't have [any], and I can't steal,” he said. “It's a problem. I am supposed to take care of my mother. I am supposed to pay the school fees of my brother. But I can't keep borrowing money.”

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Egyptian men explain their relentless catcalls (The Christian Science Monitor)

Cairo – Mohammad Anter hands out flyers to evening crowds on a packed Cairo street, trying to catch the attention of any passerby – until one catches his.

“Hey, hot chic!” he yells. “You have beautiful eyes!” Mr. Anter is a computer science student and salesman at a small shop here; he is one of Cairo’s many casual harassers.

“We’re an Eastern culture, so it’s all right for me to yell out – when I’m attracted to someone, I do it,” he says, surrounded by fluorescent store lights and shoppers in every direction.

Anter is not alone: The Egyptian Center for Women’s Rights found in a 2008 study that 83 percent of women are sexually harassed and roughly half of Egypt's women experience such treatment on a daily basis.

RELATED HarassMap: An effort to put sexual harassment on the map view Twitter and text

Many thought that men like Anter had changed during Egypt's uprising five months ago. When hundreds of thousands converged on Tahrir Square in a collective effort to oust President Hosni Mubarak, men and women stood side by side in unified protests with few instances of sexual harassment.

But while activists say the revolution was a step in the right direction, the popular demand for greater freedom has not necessarily brought a greater recognition of women's rights or reprieve from harassment.

"Just because Mubarak stepped down doesn’t make people anymore educated or aware of how to behave appropriately and respectfully,” says Amy Mowafi, editor of an Egyptian women’s magazine called Enigma.

Sign up for the daily World Editor's Picks newsletter. Our best stories, in your inbox.

Activists are seeking to make people more aware, however, most recently with a June 20 Twitter campaign under the hashtag #endSH. Offline, Nazra for Feminist Studies is working on building a grassroots feminist movement. And in early June, an Egyptian women’s Charter was released with half a million signatures of people calling for women’s social and political representation and equal economic and legal rights.

Men blame delayed marriages, inappropriate clothingDown the street from Anter, a group of young men guarding their carts of colored T-shirts say they didn’t have time to think about hassling women during Egypt's 18-day uprising; they were concerned with political aims. Now they’re back to their monotonous jobs and catcalling is a way to pass the time and make casual jokes.

“It’s normal – people here really like to laugh, so it’s OK,” says one man.

“See that girl?” asks another man, Ahmed Mahfouz. He points to a woman with flowing black hair, wearing a short-sleeve shirt. “We’d yell out to her because she likes the attention. That’s why she dresses like that.”

But farther down the street Abdel Azim admits that it's not just the less conservatively dressed women who get unwanted attention.

“Usually we hassle the girls who dress inappropriately,” he says. “And veiled girls who are extremely beautiful – then we can’t help it.”

Anter says men wouldn’t harass women so much if they could get married younger, though activists denounce that as an unacceptable excuse. Local tradition requires that men have an average of 15,000 Egyptian pounds (about $2,500) before formally asking a woman’s hand in marriage. The 25-year-old, who works two jobs, has been unofficially engaged for more than two years. He still doesn’t have enough money to get married.

“Egyptians are conservative,” says Fatma Emam, a research associate at women’s rights organization Nazra, “so people don’t get involved in sexual relations until they are married. They find sexual harassment a way to express their sexual frustration.”

Mr. Azim says delayed marriage is one of the reasons for harassment, but explains that married men harass women too. He does it only when his wife isn’t looking.

Anter gets a disappointing phone callActivist and feminist Nawal El Sadaawy, who has fought for Egyptian women’s rights for decades, suggests that sexual harassment is part of a broader oppression of women in Egyptian society.

“We are oppressed by the patriarchal class system… . We are oppressed by power – military power, class oppression, and money," she says. "So we have to connect harassment to political and economic harassment.”

She says the toppling of Mubarak was the first step in effecting change for women.

But lasting change – whether political or social – will likely take many years. One draws parallels to an argument made by writer Frantz Fanon, who believed women's participation in the Algerian Revolution would change social relations forever. “And of course he was 100 percent wrong,” says Marina Ottaway of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington. “As soon as the war was over, things went exactly to the way they were.”

Back on one of downtown’s dusty streets, as the evening grew late, Anter's phone rang. “My fiancee just called and broke off our engagement,” he says, his eyes heavy. “Her family is tired of waiting.”

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Friday, June 24, 2011

Afghanistan war: The limits of targeting Taliban leaders (The Christian Science Monitor)

By Ben Arnoldy, Tom A. Peter Ben Arnoldy, Tom A. Peter – Thu Jun 23, 4:51 pm ET

New Delhi; and Kabul, Afghanistan – In his Afghanistan drawdown speech last night, President Obama said the US would start withdrawing troops from a position of strength, with Al Qaeda under “enormous strain.”

He attributed those gains to the targeting, capturing, and killing of terrorist leaders. Intelligence from Osama bin Laden’s compound, the president said, revealed that the former Al Qaeda chief “expressed concern that Al Qaeda had been unable to effectively replace senior terrorists that had been killed.”

That achievement came about mainly from the use of special forces, intelligence gathering, and drones – not a heavy troop presence. This logic aids Obama’s case for withdrawing a significant number of troops as Americans tire of the war.

RELATED As troop drawdown nears, is NATO surge working in Afghanistan?

The problem for the US presence in Afghanistan, however, is that a similar campaign to kill Taliban leaders has not proven as successful. As troops begin to depart, US hopes for leaving behind a stable country grow more reliant on either the Afghan security forces dramatically raising their game or negotiations with the Taliban bearing fruit.

The Taliban have recently started negotiations with the US, but by all accounts the discussions remain preliminary. Shaun Gregory, a regional expert at the University of Bradford in England, expressed doubts that the Taliban are feeling much pressure given the meager number of low-level Taliban who have decided to disarm, despite major government efforts to get more of them to do so.

“With the new announcement by Obama that the troops are coming home in significant numbers by next summer, this is just not a moment [for the Taliban] to start compromising,” says Mr. Gregory.

US commander Gen. David Petraeus has said the Taliban’s mid-level commanders have taken “enormous losses” over the previous year. Those special forces killings and the deployment of surge troops into new areas have strengthened security in some areas.

Overall security hasn't improvedIn large parts of Helmand and Kandahar, residents now say that they have increased freedom of movement and face less intimidation from insurgents.

But the overall security picture in Afghanistan has not improved, with attacks increasing in number and geographic scope. Attacks by the armed opposition surged 51 percent in the first quarter of 2011 over that period last year, according to the Afghanistan NGO Safety Office in Kabul.

“We anticipate that 2011 will be the most violent year since we have been keeping records,” reads ANSO’s most recent report.

In theory, the targeting of militant leaders downgrades the overall skill and experience of a group and forces its members to communicate less freely. In practice, both the Taliban and Al Qaeda have replaced their lost leaders, prompting some analysts to question the strategya€™s effectiveness.

Stephen Biddle, a security expert at the Council on Foreign Relations, says that's a given.

“It’s a little bit like saying: ‘Have injuries to the Washington Redskins really weakened the team’s performance?’ ” says Mr. Biddle. “The replacement is never as good as the person being replaced.”

Different groups, different strategiesBut others with knowledge of the Taliban and Al Qaeda and their different goals say the targeted killings have impacted the two groups differently.

Al Qaeda has taken more time than the Taliban replacing its leaders, says Sami Yousafzai, a senior Pakistani journalist. Thata€™s because there are only a few hundred Al Qaeda operatives in the region, and they tend to be more educated and skilled.

The Taliban, however, have been able to replace their leaders almost instantly.

“Becoming a subcommander doesn’t require a long history of being a Taliban,” says Mr. Yousafzai. As for higher-ranked commanders and shadow governors, few have actually been killed, he notes. The top-level leadership, meanwhile, remains in havens inside Pakistan where the security establishment is disinclined to help the US catch them.

Al Qaeda’s brand of terrorist plots against the West requires higher levels of education and ingenuity. The Taliban’s guerrilla war against foreigners, meanwhile, requires the sorts of fighting skills not uncommon in the rugged tribal areas of Afghanistan.

“We don’t face any gaps after someone dies. It doesn’t take a long time for us to replace someone,” says Taliban spokesman Qari Yousef Ahmadi. “In the Taliban, we don’t care if someone is knowledgeable and educated. We just look at who is a good fighter.”

Mr. Ahmadi claims the number of Taliban gets bigger every day thanks to civilian casualties by coalition forces.

Al Qaeda, meanwhile, faces strong headwinds against recruitment. The appeal of the group in the Arab world has suffered dramatic declines with the Arab Spring.

“We can fairly say that Al Qaeda has been isolated in the political mind-set of the Middle East and that the ideology of Al Qaeda appears to be irrelevant and problematic. The attention now is given to reform and democracy,” says Mohammad Al-Momani, a political science professor at Yarmouk University in Irbid, Jordan. “The measures that have been taken to crack down on Al Qaeda seem to be working and Al Qaeda is having a harder time recruiting.”

RELATED As troop drawdown nears, is NATO surge working in Afghanistan?


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Thursday, June 23, 2011

Did a Jerusalem court really sentence a dog to death by stoning? (The Christian Science Monitor)

Have you heard the one about the dog who walked into a rabbinical court?

Here's how the BBC reported it: A pooch made its way into a beth din in Jerusalem's ultra-Orthodox neighborhood of Mea Shearim. One of the judges, believing the dog to be the reincarnation of a now-deceased lawyer whom the court had cursed some two decades earlier, sentenced the dog to death by stoning, and ordered that the sentence be carried out by children. The dog escaped before the sentence could be carried out. Dog-lovers have filed a complaint against the court.

This story has it all. Religious zealots! Animal rights activists! Blood libel! Children! Ingredients that tend to nourish the more primitive regions of our minds and starve the rest. Best of all, it runs under 200 words and stars a dog.

The story's only deficiency is that it comes up short in the being-factually-true department.

RELATED: Top 10 political misquotations

As it turns out, the BBC, along with Agence France Presse, Time Magazine, and a handful other news outlets got the story from Ynet, the website for Yediot Ahronot, Israel's second-largest newspaper. Ynet's story says that the head of the court denied that such an incident had taken place, a detail that was left out of the original BBC, Time, and AFP stories. The paper is also alone in noting that there was no official ruling, just a rabbi telling kids to throw rocks at a dog.

Ynet didn't do any original reporting. They got the story from this in Behadrei Hadarim, a small Hebrew-language news outlet for Israel's ultra-Orthodox community. The Bhadrei Hadarim's reports that it got the story from someone who was present, but it doesn't bother to give that person's name.

Israel's third-largest paper, which doesn't have an English edition, also ran the story. They subsequently ran an apology, noting what the court said actually happened: A dog walked into a courtroom, and someone called the dogcatcher.

How did a story get from a single, unattributed source in a community news outlet to appearing on some of the world's most respected news outlets, with apparently nobody making any attempts to verify it?

After all, it's not the first time this sort of thing has happened. Just a few weeks ago, The New York Times, CNN, The Guardian, BBC, Agence France Presse, and Reuters all reported the discovery of dozens of bodies buried on a farm outside Houston. It turns out that police were investigating a tip from a self-described psychic, who not surprisingly turned out to be completely wrong.

"In the frenzied first 30 minutes of activity, one news organization after another built its wrong reporting upon the wrong reporting of others – The Times citing Reuters citing 'local media' citing, in some cases, nobody," writes media critic Bob Garfield on Mashable.

Garfield has a point: Repeating what has been said by other news outlets doesn't create knowledge. It just remixes it, sometimes with heavy distortion and amplification.

As budgets and news cycles shrink, piggybacking on other people's reporting, however sketchy, becomes inevitable. When this is done without verification, errors become increasingly frequent. So while "rabbi stones dog" may not be a true story, it's a useful cautionary tale for journalists, and that includes us. After all, you know what they say about those who live in glass houses.

RELATED: Top 10 political misquotations


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Wednesday, June 22, 2011

Northern Ireland violence raises questions about paramilitary group (The Christian Science Monitor)

Dublin, Ireland – Homes and a Roman Catholic church in Belfast, Northern Ireland, came under attack last night in the city's worst night of sustained violence in recent years. And as riots erupted in a divided Catholic and Protestant area, many are asking why the Ulster Volunteer Force (UFV), the pro-British paramilitary organization being held responsible for the violence, has refused to go away despite having supposedly destroyed its weapons.

In a sign of the progress in combating sectarian divides, politicians from across the political spectrum have condemned the attacks, saying paramilitaries have no role in today's Northern Ireland.

The Police Service of Northern Ireland appealed to "anyone with any influence" work with them to stop future outbreaks of sectarian violence. Still, questions are being raised about the possible power struggles in the group that could disrupt the peace in the broader community.

The Short Strand, a small Catholic and republican enclave on the edge of predominantly Protestant and pro-British east Belfast, has long suffered from so-called “interface violence,” going back to the effective beginning of the Northern Ireland conflict in 1969.

RELATED: Think you know Europe? Take our geography quiz.

Willie Ward, who works at St. Matthew's, the local Catholic church in the area, witnessed the attacks.

“It was purely a sectarian attack on the Catholic community, and people came out to defend their homes,” he says. “Two to three hundred loyalists were attempting to climbs the walls of the church and local homes and attacking them with petrol bombs, stones, bricks and paint bombs."

Mr. Ward says locals – including some Protestant neighbors – are shaken: “The people here are afraid, we've had to move pensioners out of their houses. [The paramilitary members] also attacked a bus going through the area, one that included Protestants."

Chris Lyttle, a local lawmaker with the Alliance Party, which says it has no position on Northern Ireland’s place in the United Kingdom or a United Ireland, said that "the orchestrated violence in East Belfast is utterly destructive, unjustifiable, and unrepresentative of the new Northern Ireland. Those engaging in this rioting have nothing to offer the local community and we need political representatives from all backgrounds to take a firm and united stance against it.”

Sammy Douglas, a lawmaker with the pro-British Democratic Unionist Party, the largest group in the powersharing government, says he was "sad and dejected" after witnessing some of the "the worst [rioting] it's been since 1969."

Why is the paramilitary still around?Many are asking, however, why the paramilitary UVF is still in existence.

"For some weeks, there has been sporadic instances of antisocial stone-throwing across the interface in this area," said Belfast's Mayor Niall O Donnghaile, who is a member of the republican party Sinn Fein and a resident of the area. "Local community representatives and politicians have been trying to deal with it with some success. It is important that this good work continues.

"However, what happened last night was not antisocial behavior or a sectarian riot," he stated. "What happened was a well planned and orchestrated attack on the Catholic community in the Short Strand by the UVF."

He says that the UVF's activities in East Belfast have been a cause for concern for some time. "There has been a marked increase in UVF flag-flying, the painting of new paramilitary murals, and significant agitation around Loyal Order parades," Mr. O Donnghaile says.

The UVF, founded in 1966 – three years before the Northern Irish conflict started in earnest – was one of the two pro-British paramilitary organizations involved in the conflict. A total of 481 killings have been attributed to the group. A leading member, Bobby Moffet, was shot dead by members of his own organization in 2009. Earlier in 2009, the group declared it has decommissioned its weapons.

The Independent International Commission on Decommissioning, led by retired Canadian General John de Chastelain, oversaw the decommissioning process. Despite this, fears have arisen that a new generation is attempting to seize power within the organization – and is willing to return to sectarian violence in order to achieve it.

Brian Walker, a professor of Irish studies at Queen’s University Belfast, cautions against seeing the violence as part of a campaign to reignite the conflict.

“It appears to have been a manifestation of loyalist disaffection. The loyalist side is less well disciplined than the republican side. It’s hard to see it as a campaign, though the numbers involved [last night] are worrying,” he said.

A community activist working in Protestant east Belfast, who did not wish to be identified, told the Monitor the attacks were a result of a power struggle within loyalist paramilitarism.

“You have to look at what’s happening within the UVF: the loss of leadership and loss of control," he says. "The east Belfast [brigade of the] UVF is flexing its muscles."

RELATED: Think you know Europe? Take our geography quiz.


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Monday, June 20, 2011

Can fresh Morocco protests build momentum for reform? (The Christian Science Monitor)

Fes, Morocco – Morocco's pro-democracy activists launched fresh protests Sunday, despite King Mohammed VI's Friday speech announcing a draft constitution that would limit the powers of his country’s centuries-old monarchy.

“We are sticking to our demands,” says Elabadila Maaelaynine, who joined thousands of other protesters in Casablanca to reject the king’s proposals, which they say don't go nearly far enough.

Rival protesters supporting the king – some genuine, others reportedly pushed by local authorities to speak in his favor – also took to the streets, and the pro-democracy demonstrators had to change their location after they were “attacked” with bottles and sticks by pro-king demonstrators, says Mr. Maaelaynine.

MONITOR QUIZ: Weekly news quiz! June 13-17

Despite a groundswell of support for democratic reform, however, many Moroccans are satisfied at the pace of change in the kingdom and want to avoid the type of tumultuous "Arab Spring" revolutions they've seen in fellow North African countries, such as Tunisia and Egypt.

“Imagine if the king suddenly says that he is going away … there will be chaos,” says Mohammed Montasir, a journalist in the northern city of Fes, adding that Moroccans are not seeking a revolution but a “movement against privileges” of the ruling elite.

How much reform is enough?For four months now, activists have campaigned for the king to transfer powers to elected representatives and reign only as a symbolic head.

In Friday's speech, he announced the constitutional reforms he had promised in March after the first bout of protests.

The most significant proposed change is the boost in the executive powers of the prime minister and the parliament. For instance, the prime minister would appoint and remove ministers as well as dissolve the lower house of parliament in consultation with the king.

The king, however, is not divorced from executive power. The king would choose the prime minister from the party that wins the elections and he could also dissolve the parliament in consultations with the prime minister and members of the new constitutional court, half of whom he would appoint.

The continued presence of the king in the executive branch ignores the key protester demand of separation of powers. He also remains the military and religious head of the country.

While the king is offering a constitutional monarchy, the demand is for a parliamentary monarchy like the United Kingdom. For the activists, the king’s reforms are piecemeal and if they compromise now then the momentum they have generated for comprehensive change will be lost.

They also suspect that the king is trying to rush a referendum on proposed reforms a€“ he set the vote for July 1 a€“ before mass resistance can be mobilized.

The activists push backThe pro-democracy movement – called February 20 (after the first day of widespread protests in Morocco) – is made up of the web-savvy youth, left-leaning parties, and Islamists.

Peaceful rallies have attracted tens of thousands of people. A few of these demonstrations have been violently dispersed by government forces but not as brutally as protests in much of the Arab world.

Athman Hajhamou and Maniar Othmane are engineering students and activists in Fes. They argue that those who support the king do so because theya€™ve never known any other alternative. The current dynasty has ruled for more than 350 years.

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Unlike his father, the 47-year-old king remains popular for improving women’s rights and ordering a probe into tortures committed by the state during his father’s reign. More recently, Morocco has been accused of torturing Islamist figures suspected of terrorism after suicide bomb attacks killed 45 people in Casablanca on one day in 2003.

“You elect your leaders, you support them, and you can reject them,” says Mr. Othmane. “You don’t have to love your ruler; you love your country.”

Will the movement lose steam?Some observers predict that the movement will lose steam. Unlike the regimes of other Arab countries, the monarchy in Morocco has a certain legitimacy that can’t be dismissed, analysts say.

“The February 20 movement is finished now, because the king has answered the people’s movement,” says Jawad Kerdoudi, head of the Moroccan Institute of International Relations, speaking by phone from Casablanca.

February 20 has more than 60,000 followers on Facebook and they are calling on people to study the draft of the constitution, but 44 percent of Moroccans are illiterate. Activists are concerned they may be "duped" by the king's speech.

“Change depends on the strength of the movement," says Athman, "its ability to mobilize, to protest on the streets, to keeps its peaceful nature, and for democratic forces to remain united.”

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Karzai blasts US, NATO for 'using' Afghanistan, announces Taliban talks (The Christian Science Monitor)

By Tom A. Peter Tom A. Peter – Sun Jun 19, 12:22 pm ET

Kabul, Afghanistan – In what’s become a familiar pattern, Afghan President Hamid Karzai delivered a speech on Saturday afternoon blasting the US and NATO for “using our country.”

a€?The nations of the world which are here in our country are here for their own national interests,a€

Since March, he has called on the US and NATO to stop operations here (only to later clarify that he meant operations that result in civilian casualties) and given them a stern ultimatum to stop killing civilians. Shortly after each controversial speech, he usually reaffirms ties with NATO and the US.

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Karzai’s tendency to oscillate between positions at either end of the spectrum has confounded and irked friend and foe alike, leading to speculation among American diplomats that he may be struggling with a mental illness. But some Afghans say that the main problem could be that Afghans leaders – traditionally used to tailoring their messages to navigate shifting allegiances – are just not used to coping with modern, international media that stand ready to expose any contradictory remark.

“Currently some politicians are the same as Karzai, but the media is not focusing so much on small politicians. Karzai is the president and has the most media coverage,” says Babrak Shinwari, a former member of parliament from Nangarhar province. “I would suggest that he use only written speeches and does not deviate from them. When he goes off script, he says anything and that’s why it brings the mistrust of the regional countries and the international community on Karzai.”

Fluid allegiances, competing messagesThroughout history, Afghans have been notorious for working with competing sides and changing allegiances when it becomes clear their rivals are becoming more powerful. For Afghan politicians, this has meant a history of working closely with rivals and communicating sometimes seemingly competing messages to different audiences.

This strategy, however, encounters serious problems when politicians make remarks intended to appeal to a specific audience in the presence of media who broadcast the remarks countrywide and sometimes internationally. Additionally, as the media has grown substantially since the fall of the Taliban, Afghans have become more savvy about leaking select information to journalists.

In this climate, Karzai’s remarks about NATO are likely intended to win support among Afghans, but when disseminated to an international audience they create major problems.

'People are confused' Still, many Afghans say this is no excuse for Karzai’s seemingly erratic remarks.

“Media should be considered a given in today’s world and today’s society," says Daoud Sultanzoy, a former member of parliament from the eastern province of Ghazni. "Leaders have to adjust to that, to the freedom of the media, to the freedom of expression.”

Even among Afghans familiar with leaders who flip flop as political tides turn, Karzai’s behavior is seen as confusing and difficult to read. In a nation where 72 percent of the population is illiterate, many Afghans still follow radio and television news closely and hear the president’s contradictory remarks.

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“People are confused," says Izzatullah Wasifi, Afghanistan’s former anti-corruption chief. "They can’t understand what are his motivations, what are his motives, what is his strategy, and where does he want to take this nation?”

Karzai's increasingly blunt criticism of NATO and US efforts led American Ambassador Karl Eikenberry to issue a rare response Sunday at appearance before students at Herat University.

“When Americans, who are serving in your country at great cost — in terms of life and treasure — hear themselves compared with occupiers, told that they are only here to advance their own interest, and likened to the brutal enemies of the Afghan people," said Mr. Eikenberry, without mentioning Karzai by name, "they are filled with confusion and grow weary of our effort here.”

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Sunday, June 19, 2011

Braving police, Saudi women drivers take to streets (The Christian Science Monitor)

Riyadh, Saudi Arabia – She was probably the first to put foot to pedal.

It was 12:44 a.m. and middle-of-the-night dark. She turned the ignition key, lit the headlights, and drove.

In the backseat, her supportive husband filmed his wife making history as the earliest participant in Friday’s campaign by Saudi women to get the right to drive on the roads of their country.

IN PICTURES: Behind the veil

“I felt great,” the university student said later in an email exchange. “I couldn't believe that I was in Riyadh and driving! I look forward for the day that all of this becomes as natural as men driving.”

The woman, who posted the video on YouTube, said she wanted to remain anonymous “because I'm afraid of the authorities.” She’s also not certain, she wrote, about how her extended family would react to news of what she called “my small mission.”

Overall, the driving campaign got off to a slow start with just shy of 50 women reporting – mostly via Twitter – by the evening that they had gotten behind the wheel in violation of the kingdom’s national ban on female drivers.

The campaign is perhaps the largest and most genuinely grass-roots campaign by Saudi women to demand one of the many rights they are denied in this country, which severely restricts female independence.

Under the guardianship system, women need the permission of their father, husband, or brother to marry, travel outside the country, work outside the home, and have certain kinds of medical procedures.

Though there is no law prohibiting women from driving, the government supports the social custom that women not drive, at least not in the urban areas. In rural parts of the kingdom, women drive regularly without interference.

Many senior members of the royal family and the government have no objection to women driving. But they are reluctant to upset conservatives, both men and women, who argue that their Islamic society should not follow the same pattern of women’s liberation as in Western societies.

The last time the driving ban was challenged in an organized fashion was in 1990 when more 48 Saudi women drove in a convoy around Riyadh for an hour. The women were harshly punished – banned from international travel and suspended from their jobs. Mosque preachers labeled them “whores.”

Later, the kingdom’s most senior religious figure issued a fatwa, or religious ruling, that said women should not drive. But 21 years later, that fatwa is no longer seen as valid by many Muslims, especially since women drive in every other Muslim-majority country in the world.

Other things have also changed. Some religious sheikhs are breaking their silence and speaking out against the austere hardliners, arguing that nothing in Islam prevents women from driving.

The concept behind Friday’s campaign, which was launched in March, is that since there is no law banning women from driving, they should go out and drive en masse to persuade the government to lift the ban. Women were advised not to congregate so as not to violate the ban on demonstrations.

In recent years an increasing number of women have driven, sometimes out of necessity. If caught by traffic police, they were held until their male guardian picked them up and signed a pledge that they would not allow the women to drive again.

By mid-evening Friday, there was no evidence of arrests.

It was a far different story last month, when the government took a tough line against one of the driving campaign organizers. After Manal al-Sharif posted a YouTube video of herself driving around the town of Al Khobar to encourage women to join the campaign, she was detained for nine days.

According to Saudi sources, she was released on orders of King Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz, who is seen as a supporter of women’s rights.

Traffic about the campaign was heavy on Twitter (much of which can be found at the #Women2Drive hashtag), which along with Facebook and YouTube was the main way it was organized.

Tweets poured in from Saudis and non-Saudis offering encouragement to women who drove or were planning to drive. Women who defied the ban and drove tweeted about the responses they got.

“I went to the supermarket and I noticed [that] some grandpa generation were upset but all the people were smiling,” tweeted Maial Shareef.

“I drove my dad’s car this afternoon. Delivered him to the jumah (Friday) prayer and back home,” wrote Mozah. “It went well. Some weren’t happy to see me pick him [up at] the mosque.”

And Tawfiq al-Saif, an author and community leader in the Eastern Province, commented that he was taken for a ride by his wife. It went “just fine,” he wrote. “[S]ome people looked surprised, others were smiling."

IN PICTURES: Behind the veil


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Saturday, June 18, 2011

Braving police, Saudi women drivers take to streets (The Christian Science Monitor)

Riyadh, Saudi Arabia – She was probably the first to put foot to pedal.

It was 12:44 a.m. and middle-of-the-night dark. She turned the ignition key, lit the headlights, and drove.

In the backseat, her supportive husband filmed his wife making history as the earliest participant in Friday’s campaign by Saudi women to get the right to drive on the roads of their country.

IN PICTURES: Behind the veil

“I felt great,” the university student said later in an email exchange. “I couldn't believe that I was in Riyadh and driving! I look forward for the day that all of this becomes as natural as men driving.”

The woman, who posted the video on YouTube, said she wanted to remain anonymous “because I'm afraid of the authorities.” She’s also not certain, she wrote, about how her extended family would react to news of what she called “my small mission.”

Overall, the driving campaign got off to a slow start with just shy of 50 women reporting – mostly via Twitter – by the evening that they had gotten behind the wheel in violation of the kingdom’s national ban on female drivers.

The campaign is perhaps the largest and most genuinely grass-roots campaign by Saudi women to demand one of the many rights they are denied in this country, which severely restricts female independence.

Under the guardianship system, women need the permission of their father, husband, or brother to marry, travel outside the country, work outside the home, and have certain kinds of medical procedures.

Though there is no law prohibiting women from driving, the government supports the social custom that women not drive, at least not in the urban areas. In rural parts of the kingdom, women drive regularly without interference.

Many senior members of the royal family and the government have no objection to women driving. But they are reluctant to upset conservatives, both men and women, who argue that their Islamic society should not follow the same pattern of women’s liberation as in Western societies.

The last time the driving ban was challenged in an organized fashion was in 1990 when more 48 Saudi women drove in a convoy around Riyadh for an hour. The women were harshly punished – banned from international travel and suspended from their jobs. Mosque preachers labeled them “whores.”

Later, the kingdom’s most senior religious figure issued a fatwa, or religious ruling, that said women should not drive. But 21 years later, that fatwa is no longer seen as valid by many Muslims, especially since women drive in every other Muslim-majority country in the world.

Other things have also changed. Some religious sheikhs are breaking their silence and speaking out against the austere hardliners, arguing that nothing in Islam prevents women from driving.

The concept behind Friday’s campaign, which was launched in March, is that since there is no law banning women from driving, they should go out and drive en masse to persuade the government to lift the ban. Women were advised not to congregate so as not to violate the ban on demonstrations.

In recent years an increasing number of women have driven, sometimes out of necessity. If caught by traffic police, they were held until their male guardian picked them up and signed a pledge that they would not allow the women to drive again.

By mid-evening Friday, there was no evidence of arrests.

It was a far different story last month, when the government took a tough line against one of the driving campaign organizers. After Manal al-Sharif posted a YouTube video of herself driving around the town of Al Khobar to encourage women to join the campaign, she was detained for nine days.

According to Saudi sources, she was released on orders of King Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz, who is seen as a supporter of women’s rights.

Traffic about the campaign was heavy on Twitter (much of which can be found at the #Women2Drive hashtag), which along with Facebook and YouTube was the main way it was organized.

Tweets poured in from Saudis and non-Saudis offering encouragement to women who drove or were planning to drive. Women who defied the ban and drove tweeted about the responses they got.

“I went to the supermarket and I noticed [that] some grandpa generation were upset but all the people were smiling,” tweeted Maial Shareef.

“I drove my dad’s car this afternoon. Delivered him to the jumah (Friday) prayer and back home,” wrote Mozah. “It went well. Some weren’t happy to see me pick him [up at] the mosque.”

And Tawfiq al-Saif, an author and community leader in the Eastern Province, commented that he was taken for a ride by his wife. It went “just fine,” he wrote. “[S]ome people looked surprised, others were smiling."

IN PICTURES: Behind the veil


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