Blast hits Egypt's gas pipeline to Israel, Jordan (AP)

EL-ARISH, Egypt – Unidentified assailants blew up the Egyptian pipeline that carries gas to Israel and Jordan early on Monday, starting a fire and disrupting the flow of the gas, security officials said.

The blast took place in the northern part of the Sinai Peninsula, near the Mediterranean coastal city of El-Arish, which is 30 miles (50 kilometers) from Israel's border.

The Egyptian officials had no further details and there were no immediate reports of casualties. The officials spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak to the media.

The blast is the third to hit the strategic pipeline since an uprising overthrew Egypt's longtime leader Hosni Mubarak in February.

No one claimed responsibility for Monday's explosion. Disgruntled Bedouin tribesmen in the area have been blamed for attacking the pipeline in the past.

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Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood welcomes US talks (AP)

CAIRO – Egypt's powerful Islamist movement, the Muslim Brotherhood, said Friday it is willing to hold talks with the United States, taking up an offer of dialogue seen as an implicit recognition by Washington that the group will likely hold significant political power in Egypt's post-Hosni Mubarak era.

The Brotherhood's bid for prominence comes at a time of growing discontent by pro-democracy protesters toward the military council that took power in Egypt after Mubarak's ouster in February.

Thousands of pro-democracy protesters waving Egyptian flags and banners rallied Friday in Tahrir Square, demanding speedy trials for former regime figures and policemen accused of killing protesters during the 18-day revolt that claimed 846 lives.

The demonstration came after clashes broke out earlier this week between police and protesters pushing for faster reforms. More than 1,000 people were injured and more than 30 arrested in the melees.

The Brotherhood has largely stayed clear from the recent protests, denouncing most of them as unfocused and unnecessary.

Brotherhood spokesman Mohammed Ghozlan was responding to comments by U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton on Thursday that the Obama administration is reaching out to the fundamentalist group in a "limited" effort to build ties and promote democratic principles.

"We welcome dialogue with America to remove any misunderstandings and bridge gaps," Ghozlan told The Associated Press.

He said it would be the first time the Brotherhood holds talks with the United States. However, there were reports of indirect and informal contacts between Brotherhood and U.S. officials several years ago_ particularly when the group was represented in Egypt's former parliament.

Neither side gave any indication of when the talks would take place.

The Brotherhood was banned for decades and was heavily suppressed by Mubarak's regime, which was closely allied to the United States. But the ban was lifted after Mubarak's ouster, and the Brotherhood is campaigning hard for upcoming parliamentary elections.

Since it is the country's most organized political force, it is expected to make a strong showing and is very likely to be a member in the next government. Saying the U.S. seeks a real democracy in Egypt, President Barack Obama has acknowledged the Brotherhood should be allowed to operate freely in politics.

In her comments Thursday, Clinton said the outreach to the Brotherhood was part of a general desire in the administration to engage all Egyptian groups as long as they espouse nonviolence.

Ammar Ali Hassan, expert in Islamic groups, said that the Brotherhood will likely try to float "conditions" or "reservations" on any dialogue to avoid a perception that it is allowing the U.S. to meddle in Egypt's internal affairs. But in the end, the talks will give a boost the group, he said, by easing worries some in the Brotherhood and the public have of a backlash if the Brotherhood becomes the dominant player in Egypt.

"Now the Muslim Brotherhood will not have to worry of moving forward toward taking over power," Hassan said. "For decades, the United States has been eying this possibility and ready to open channels with whoever is the leading force in the country," he added.

The Brotherhood has taken a pragmatic stance in the country's new political situation, praising the military rulers and avoiding participation in new protests.

Protesters are calling for faster reforms from the ruling military council, led by Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi, which has been accused of collaborating with remnants from the former regime.

"My feeling is that Mubarak has taken off his robe and given it to Tantawi. There is no difference between the two," 62-year-old Ismail al-Husseini said. "We get out of one trap to fall into the next one. Every Friday, we hold a protest but it's no use."

Riot police sealed off the street leading up to the Interior Ministry building, which has been the site of some of the fiercest fighting, with barricades and military police at checkpoints.

Several tents were set up in the middle of Tahrir Square — the epicenter of the 18-day uprising — with many protesters promising to continue their sit-in until their demands are met.

"We had a revolution that is now incomplete. We removed the head of the regime, but the regime is still here," said Yasser Gomaa, 39. He said protesters want to see those responsible for the death of protesters in public, speedy and fair trials.

As a sign of the security problems still facing Egypt's police, a group of armed men besieged a local police station in a low-income suburb east of Cairo, and freed more than 40 detainees, a security official said. Those freed were common criminals, including drug dealers.

The official, speaking on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to speak to the police, said those in the jail started in a fire inside their cell to distract the police, while the gunmen fired in the air to cause mayhem. The head of the police station was briefly held by the gunmen before the escape.

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Has the Revolution Left Egypt's Workers Behind? (Time.com)

No one in Zagazig wants to talk about what happened last week. The hundreds of railway workers who maintain the old, trash-ridden tracks and trains in this Nile Delta town whisper hurriedly about a strike that briefly disrupted rail traffic across the country of 80 million. But the workers won't give their names or discuss it at length for fear of retribution from the soldiers and security forces that so swiftly put an end to it. And the man they point to as their labor leader says nervously that he knows nothing about a strike.

But maybe it's better that way, say some Egyptians - particularly political leaders and the railway's managers. "We're against stopping business like this, because we're trying to get stability back," says Mansour al-Shitry, an accountant for the state-run railways. "Of course the government can't meet the demands of all the people at once, and we don't want to give the military council more of a burden than they already have." (Lightbox [EM] Egypt In Flux: Photographs by Thomas Dworzak)

That's the rationale echoed by many of Tahrir Square's liberal, intellectual youth, politicians and, indeed, the military leadership. It's an opinion that predominates among the educated classes in the debate over where the line should be drawn between revolution and transition. Protests for political reform are crucial, many argue, because the system of governance will define Egypt's future on all levels. Labor strikes, on the other hand, can and should be postponed: it's not the right time, they say; Egypt's floundering post-revolution economy needs all the work it can get.

But the laboring classes - many members of whom have not received their salaries in months - feel otherwise. Dozens of strikes and sit-ins have stalled business across the public and private sectors in recent months. And to union leaders and labor activists, the core revolutionary demands of the working classes have yet to be acknowledged. Minimum wage has been raised and promises have been made, but most have yet to see concrete change on the ground. And indeed, amid the cracks, crevices, and gaping political and ideological fault lines that have shattered the early unity of the February revolution that toppled President Hosni Mubarak, is a divide that increasingly seems to define other debates as well. It's about class.

"There is total class warfare going on in Egypt right now that I don't even think [the liberal movements] can see," says Joshua Stacher, a political scientist and Egypt expert at Kent State University. "If middle upper class, urban people in Cairo and Alexandria get some of their demands met, they could care less about minimum wage, or the fact that the healthcare system is complete crap," he says of the competing array of post-revolutionary demands. "The dominant discourse that's coming out on TV is that it's not the right time to protest for these things. Like 'You shouldn't have a living wage right now, you're being greedy.'"

Instead, political elites have prioritized political reforms. And one of the most prominent debates to grip Cairo's political scene in recent weeks centers around the question of what needs to come first on the roadmap to a prosperous and democratic Egypt: a new constitution or a new, elected parliament. The debate has largely been split along Islamist versus liberal lines. The latter, fearing an Islamist majority in parliament, wants to ensure that certain rights and laws are guaranteed first. The Islamists argue that only an elected parliament can determine the next constitution, and a national referendum passed overwhelmingly in March specified as much. "Some people are trying to take a detour around the popular decision in the referendum," says Mohamed Ezzat, a local Muslim Brotherhood official in Zagazig. "But the people have chosen a road map for what happens next in this country, and they want that to be respected." (See TIME's Exclusive Photos: Turmoil in Egypt)

For others, however, it's not about religious ideology or road maps at all. "Mostly their demands are political like 'Freedom' and the debate over what comes first - constitution or elections," says labor activist Adel Zakaria of the urban elite, who he describes as middle class. "Workers don't care about that. They have their own problems - mainly they need to eat."

The April 6th Youth Movement, one of the most prominent liberal groups, say it recognizes the deep economic concerns felt by most Egyptians. And last month, in an effort to mobilize Egyptians for a "Second Revolution" protest in Tahrir, the group handed out a flier that promoted economic demands first. "The people just move with us if we talk about economics only," said the group's leader Ahmed Maher at the time. "We know the constitution is more important than the economic demands because we know that the things in the street are organized after that. But the people in the street don't know that."

The disconnect has emerged in the results of popular polls as well. Liberal political leader Mohamed ElBaradei topped a Facebook poll by Egypt's ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces this week to gauge popular preferences for 18 prospective presidential candidates. To some, it suggests that the majority favors liberal, "Constitution First" politics, of which ElBaradei is an advocate. But in the streets and fields, and on the railway tracks, Egyptians suggest the poll may have more to do with who uses Facebook than with popular opinion.

A less publicized poll released the same week by the International Peace Institute offered a total reversal of rankings, listing former Arab League chief and popular icon Amr Moussa first among the contenders, followed by the country's top military general.

TIME's Complete Coverage: The Middle East in Revolt

Still, while they lack political clout, the lower class masses - at least in the form of striking workers - have been loud. A new $83 billion budget for fiscal year 2011-2012 released by the Egyptian finance ministry on June 22 says as much about reform priorities as it does about who's making noise. The budget pours money into social welfare spending and subsidies, apparently attempts to address working class unhappiness. And on Friday, workers groups that established the country's first independent labor union federation in March are calling for a million man protest to demand that the government crack down on cronyism in job hiring and uphold its promises to establish better worker rights.

In Zagazig, the railway workers say they want overtime compensation and better pay. Some say they make little more than 500 Egyptian Pounds ($84) a month - hardly enough to raise a family on, and still 200 Egyptian Pounds below the new national minimum wage. "We normal people are calling for our rights," explains one train air conditioner technician plainly.

After security forces cleared the tracks last week, railway workers received a promise from the national Railway Committee, the governor, and the local security chief, that their demands would be met. "They've spoken, but we'll see if they'll pay," says one accountant at the Zagazig train station. "To be honest, how will they pay if there is no income? The economy is in a bad state."

TIME's Complete Coverage: The Middle East in Revolt

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Has the Revolution Left Egypt's Workers Behind? (Time.com)

No one in Zagazig wants to talk about what happened last week. The hundreds of railway workers who maintain the old, trash-ridden tracks and trains in this Nile Delta town whisper hurriedly about a strike that briefly disrupted rail traffic across the country of 80 million. But the workers won't give their names or discuss it at length for fear of retribution from the soldiers and security forces that so swiftly put an end to it. And the man they point to as their labor leader says nervously that he knows nothing about a strike.

But maybe it's better that way, say some Egyptians - particularly political leaders and the railway's managers. "We're against stopping business like this, because we're trying to get stability back," says Mansour al-Shitry, an accountant for the state-run railways. "Of course the government can't meet the demands of all the people at once, and we don't want to give the military council more of a burden than they already have." (Lightbox [EM] Egypt In Flux: Photographs by Thomas Dworzak)

That's the rationale echoed by many of Tahrir Square's liberal, intellectual youth, politicians and, indeed, the military leadership. It's an opinion that predominates among the educated classes in the debate over where the line should be drawn between revolution and transition. Protests for political reform are crucial, many argue, because the system of governance will define Egypt's future on all levels. Labor strikes, on the other hand, can and should be postponed: it's not the right time, they say; Egypt's floundering post-revolution economy needs all the work it can get.

But the laboring classes - many members of whom have not received their salaries in months - feel otherwise. Dozens of strikes and sit-ins have stalled business across the public and private sectors in recent months. And to union leaders and labor activists, the core revolutionary demands of the working classes have yet to be acknowledged. Minimum wage has been raised and promises have been made, but most have yet to see concrete change on the ground. And indeed, amid the cracks, crevices, and gaping political and ideological fault lines that have shattered the early unity of the February revolution that toppled President Hosni Mubarak, is a divide that increasingly seems to define other debates as well. It's about class.

"There is total class warfare going on in Egypt right now that I don't even think [the liberal movements] can see," says Joshua Stacher, a political scientist and Egypt expert at Kent State University. "If middle upper class, urban people in Cairo and Alexandria get some of their demands met, they could care less about minimum wage, or the fact that the healthcare system is complete crap," he says of the competing array of post-revolutionary demands. "The dominant discourse that's coming out on TV is that it's not the right time to protest for these things. Like 'You shouldn't have a living wage right now, you're being greedy.'"

Instead, political elites have prioritized political reforms. And one of the most prominent debates to grip Cairo's political scene in recent weeks centers around the question of what needs to come first on the roadmap to a prosperous and democratic Egypt: a new constitution or a new, elected parliament. The debate has largely been split along Islamist versus liberal lines. The latter, fearing an Islamist majority in parliament, wants to ensure that certain rights and laws are guaranteed first. The Islamists argue that only an elected parliament can determine the next constitution, and a national referendum passed overwhelmingly in March specified as much. "Some people are trying to take a detour around the popular decision in the referendum," says Mohamed Ezzat, a local Muslim Brotherhood official in Zagazig. "But the people have chosen a road map for what happens next in this country, and they want that to be respected." (See TIME's Exclusive Photos: Turmoil in Egypt)

For others, however, it's not about religious ideology or road maps at all. "Mostly their demands are political like 'Freedom' and the debate over what comes first - constitution or elections," says labor activist Adel Zakaria of the urban elite, who he describes as middle class. "Workers don't care about that. They have their own problems - mainly they need to eat."

The April 6th Youth Movement, one of the most prominent liberal groups, say it recognizes the deep economic concerns felt by most Egyptians. And last month, in an effort to mobilize Egyptians for a "Second Revolution" protest in Tahrir, the group handed out a flier that promoted economic demands first. "The people just move with us if we talk about economics only," said the group's leader Ahmed Maher at the time. "We know the constitution is more important than the economic demands because we know that the things in the street are organized after that. But the people in the street don't know that."

The disconnect has emerged in the results of popular polls as well. Liberal political leader Mohamed ElBaradei topped a Facebook poll by Egypt's ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces this week to gauge popular preferences for 18 prospective presidential candidates. To some, it suggests that the majority favors liberal, "Constitution First" politics, of which ElBaradei is an advocate. But in the streets and fields, and on the railway tracks, Egyptians suggest the poll may have more to do with who uses Facebook than with popular opinion.

A less publicized poll released the same week by the International Peace Institute offered a total reversal of rankings, listing former Arab League chief and popular icon Amr Moussa first among the contenders, followed by the country's top military general.

TIME's Complete Coverage: The Middle East in Revolt

Still, while they lack political clout, the lower class masses - at least in the form of striking workers - have been loud. A new $83 billion budget for fiscal year 2011-2012 released by the Egyptian finance ministry on June 22 says as much about reform priorities as it does about who's making noise. The budget pours money into social welfare spending and subsidies, apparently attempts to address working class unhappiness. And on Friday, workers groups that established the country's first independent labor union federation in March are calling for a million man protest to demand that the government crack down on cronyism in job hiring and uphold its promises to establish better worker rights.

In Zagazig, the railway workers say they want overtime compensation and better pay. Some say they make little more than 500 Egyptian Pounds ($84) a month - hardly enough to raise a family on, and still 200 Egyptian Pounds below the new national minimum wage. "We normal people are calling for our rights," explains one train air conditioner technician plainly.

After security forces cleared the tracks last week, railway workers received a promise from the national Railway Committee, the governor, and the local security chief, that their demands would be met. "They've spoken, but we'll see if they'll pay," says one accountant at the Zagazig train station. "To be honest, how will they pay if there is no income? The economy is in a bad state."

TIME's Complete Coverage: The Middle East in Revolt

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Has the Revolution Left Egypt's Workers Behind? (Time.com)

No one in Zagazig wants to talk about what happened last week. The hundreds of railway workers who maintain the old, trash-ridden tracks and trains in this Nile Delta town whisper hurriedly about a strike that briefly disrupted rail traffic across the country of 80 million. But the workers won't give their names or discuss it at length for fear of retribution from the soldiers and security forces that so swiftly put an end to it. And the man they point to as their labor leader says nervously that he knows nothing about a strike.

But maybe it's better that way, say some Egyptians - particularly political leaders and the railway's managers. "We're against stopping business like this, because we're trying to get stability back," says Mansour al-Shitry, an accountant for the state-run railways. "Of course the government can't meet the demands of all the people at once, and we don't want to give the military council more of a burden than they already have." (Lightbox [EM] Egypt In Flux: Photographs by Thomas Dworzak)

That's the rationale echoed by many of Tahrir Square's liberal, intellectual youth, politicians and, indeed, the military leadership. It's an opinion that predominates among the educated classes in the debate over where the line should be drawn between revolution and transition. Protests for political reform are crucial, many argue, because the system of governance will define Egypt's future on all levels. Labor strikes, on the other hand, can and should be postponed: it's not the right time, they say; Egypt's floundering post-revolution economy needs all the work it can get.

But the laboring classes - many members of whom have not received their salaries in months - feel otherwise. Dozens of strikes and sit-ins have stalled business across the public and private sectors in recent months. And to union leaders and labor activists, the core revolutionary demands of the working classes have yet to be acknowledged. Minimum wage has been raised and promises have been made, but most have yet to see concrete change on the ground. And indeed, amid the cracks, crevices, and gaping political and ideological fault lines that have shattered the early unity of the February revolution that toppled President Hosni Mubarak, is a divide that increasingly seems to define other debates as well. It's about class.

"There is total class warfare going on in Egypt right now that I don't even think [the liberal movements] can see," says Joshua Stacher, a political scientist and Egypt expert at Kent State University. "If middle upper class, urban people in Cairo and Alexandria get some of their demands met, they could care less about minimum wage, or the fact that the healthcare system is complete crap," he says of the competing array of post-revolutionary demands. "The dominant discourse that's coming out on TV is that it's not the right time to protest for these things. Like 'You shouldn't have a living wage right now, you're being greedy.'"

Instead, political elites have prioritized political reforms. And one of the most prominent debates to grip Cairo's political scene in recent weeks centers around the question of what needs to come first on the roadmap to a prosperous and democratic Egypt: a new constitution or a new, elected parliament. The debate has largely been split along Islamist versus liberal lines. The latter, fearing an Islamist majority in parliament, wants to ensure that certain rights and laws are guaranteed first. The Islamists argue that only an elected parliament can determine the next constitution, and a national referendum passed overwhelmingly in March specified as much. "Some people are trying to take a detour around the popular decision in the referendum," says Mohamed Ezzat, a local Muslim Brotherhood official in Zagazig. "But the people have chosen a road map for what happens next in this country, and they want that to be respected." (See TIME's Exclusive Photos: Turmoil in Egypt)

For others, however, it's not about religious ideology or road maps at all. "Mostly their demands are political like 'Freedom' and the debate over what comes first - constitution or elections," says labor activist Adel Zakaria of the urban elite, who he describes as middle class. "Workers don't care about that. They have their own problems - mainly they need to eat."

The April 6th Youth Movement, one of the most prominent liberal groups, say it recognizes the deep economic concerns felt by most Egyptians. And last month, in an effort to mobilize Egyptians for a "Second Revolution" protest in Tahrir, the group handed out a flier that promoted economic demands first. "The people just move with us if we talk about economics only," said the group's leader Ahmed Maher at the time. "We know the constitution is more important than the economic demands because we know that the things in the street are organized after that. But the people in the street don't know that."

The disconnect has emerged in the results of popular polls as well. Liberal political leader Mohamed ElBaradei topped a Facebook poll by Egypt's ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces this week to gauge popular preferences for 18 prospective presidential candidates. To some, it suggests that the majority favors liberal, "Constitution First" politics, of which ElBaradei is an advocate. But in the streets and fields, and on the railway tracks, Egyptians suggest the poll may have more to do with who uses Facebook than with popular opinion.

A less publicized poll released the same week by the International Peace Institute offered a total reversal of rankings, listing former Arab League chief and popular icon Amr Moussa first among the contenders, followed by the country's top military general.

TIME's Complete Coverage: The Middle East in Revolt

Still, while they lack political clout, the lower class masses - at least in the form of striking workers - have been loud. A new $83 billion budget for fiscal year 2011-2012 released by the Egyptian finance ministry on June 22 says as much about reform priorities as it does about who's making noise. The budget pours money into social welfare spending and subsidies, apparently attempts to address working class unhappiness. And on Friday, workers groups that established the country's first independent labor union federation in March are calling for a million man protest to demand that the government crack down on cronyism in job hiring and uphold its promises to establish better worker rights.

In Zagazig, the railway workers say they want overtime compensation and better pay. Some say they make little more than 500 Egyptian Pounds ($84) a month - hardly enough to raise a family on, and still 200 Egyptian Pounds below the new national minimum wage. "We normal people are calling for our rights," explains one train air conditioner technician plainly.

After security forces cleared the tracks last week, railway workers received a promise from the national Railway Committee, the governor, and the local security chief, that their demands would be met. "They've spoken, but we'll see if they'll pay," says one accountant at the Zagazig train station. "To be honest, how will they pay if there is no income? The economy is in a bad state."

TIME's Complete Coverage: The Middle East in Revolt

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Youth from Egypt's Brotherhood form separate party (AP)

CAIRO – Several young members from Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood have launched their own political party to rival their group's own_ a move that is exposing cracks in the influential Islamist organization.

Banned from politics for half a century, the Brotherhood nonetheless maintained an effective organization based on a network of social services, successfully running candidates as independents in past parliamentary elections.

Now that a popular revolution has deposed President Hosni Mubarak and removed restrictions, the Brotherhood was expected to jump in, use its organization and experience to gain votes and possibly even dominate a new parliament.

The movement faces new challenges. The openness in Egypt is taking its toll on the venerable Islamist group, with younger, more pragmatic activists chafing under the doctrinaire leadership of the old guard.

The Brotherhood's political party is called Freedom and Justice, required under the new regulations to admit women and Christians but guided by the group's Islamic ideology. The Brotherhood is worried enough to threaten to expel members who join competing parties and threw out a leading member who decided to run for president on his own.

Other Islamist groups have also announced plans to register new political parties_ including some from the ultraconservative Salafi brand of Islam, which was previously averse to participating in political life.

Attention is going to Brotherhood members who have broken away and formed their own parties, like Egyptian Trend.

"This is not a Brotherhood party or a party of the Brotherhood youth," said Islam Lotfy, a Brotherhood member and a founding member of the new party.

The Brotherhood leadership said the decision of Lotfy, and as many as 20 others from the group will be penalized, because their actions violate a ban on its members to join any other by the newly formed Freedom and Justice Party.

"They will be referred to internal investigation and will be expelled if they don't quit " the new party, said Mahmoud Hussein, Secretary general of the Brotherhood. "They will have different loyalty."

Lotfy sees no contradiction between being a member in the Brotherhood as an advocacy group and joining a new political party.

"I have set my priorities. Working with the (Egyptian Trend) party is a choice and a priority," he said.

Lotfy was active in a youth coalition that formed during the early days of revolution that began on Jan. 25 and forced Mubarak to step down 18 days later.

He said the new party wants to capture the experience he gained during those tumultuous days working with other political groups and activists who espouse different ideologies.

"We have an extended experience from working with the January 25 group toward specific goals. We were able to put our ideological differences aside," he said. "We want a new party that overcomes politics."

This is a veiled criticism of his original organization, which formally joined the protests days after they began. Younger members are growing critical of the decision making process in the Brotherhood, controlled by a senior leadership, which is extending its reach to its Freedom and Justice party.

Lotfy said his new party is not an "Islamic" party, but one that devises its own programs and priorities from the public, which he called the mainstream. Its members are from different ideological backgrounds, including leftists, and liberals who aim to drastically improve Egypt's social indicators and international standing by 2030.

"We believe that the audience we are targeting no one has reached out to yet," he said. "I have gained a lot of experience from the Brotherhood which is known for its great ability to organize.. I hope I can gain from that, and this would be reflected in our performance."

Brotherhood leaders say the party will run for only half of the parliament's seats in elections expected in September, and they are working to form coalitions with other parties, including liberals.

The Brotherhood's party still appears as the most formidable contender for the upcoming elections. Some liberal and secular parties are so concerned that they have called for delaying the election to allow more time for them to organize and campaign.

Another leading member of the Brotherhood had earlier announced his plans to run for the upcoming presidential elections, in violating of the Brotherhood's decision not to field candidates. Abdel-Moneim Abul-Fottouh, a leading member of the Brotherhood known for his moderate views and appeal among the youth, was expelled on Saturday for violating the group's rules.

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Egypt's ex-president Mubarak has cancer: lawyer (Reuters)

CAIRO (Reuters) – Egypt's former President Hosni Mubarak is suffering from cancer, his defense lawyer said on Monday, citing a medical report to assess whether the former leader is fit enough to face trial.

Mubarak, 83, was forced from office in February in a popular uprising driven by anger at high-level official corruption and widespread poverty. He is due to stand trial on August 3 for the killing of protesters and abuse of power.

"Mubarak has cancer and this was included in the last medical report," lawyer Farid el-Deeb told Reuters.

He declined to say whether he was referring to a new medical report that had not been made public. Satellite news channel Al Jazeera's English language website cited Deeb as saying Mubarak had "stomach cancer and the tumors are growing."

A committee of doctors appointed to assess Mubarak's state of health said in late May that he should not be moved to a prison hospital because he was depressed, had poor blood circulation and was at risk of a sudden heart attack.

The committee also said he had tumors in his gall bladder and pancreas, for which he had had operations in the past. However, the committee did not say at the time whether those tumors were malignant -- that is, cancer -- or benign.

No one at the prosecutor's office was available for comment.

Mubarak has not appeared in public since retreating to his family's villa in the Red Sea resort of Sharm el-Sheikh shortly after his overthrow.

He made a recorded statement in April in which he denied accusations of corruption and vowed to defend his reputation.

The former leader was detained in hospital in Sharm in mid-April after officials said he had heart problems during initial questioning.

Mubarak's health was a subject of frequent speculation as he aged in office, particularly since he had gallbladder surgery in March last year. While he was in power, officials always denied he had any life-threatening illness such as cancer.

The timing of his latest illness means he has been spared jail, fuelling talk that the former decorated air force officer was getting special treatment from the army which took power after his overthrow.

(Reporting by Yasmine Saleh; Writing by Tom Pfeiffer; Editing by Peter Graff)

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Egypt's Mubarak unfit for prison move: prosecutor (Reuters)

CAIRO (Reuters) – Egypt's public prosecutor said on Tuesday that ousted President Hosni Mubarak was in no condition to be transferred to a prison hospital and would remain in a health facility in a Red Sea resort for the time being.

Mubarak, overthrown on February 11 after a popular uprising, has been detained since mid-April in a hospital in Sharm el-Sheikh, rather than in a prison medical center, after it was reported that he suffered heart problems during initial questioning.

A medical team determined that Mubarak should not be transferred "outside of Sharm el-Sheikh hospital at the current time and to hire a specialized medical team to oversee his treatment," the prosecutor said in a statement.

"The committee examined the patient in his intensive care room and found that he is clearly frail and depressed and cannot leave the bed without assistance," it said.

It added that the Torah prison hospital on Cairo's outskirts was "unsuitable for a patient in a critical condition."

Mubarak was ordered last week to stand trial for the killing of protesters, corruption and wasting public funds. The charges, which he has denied, include "premeditated killing," a crime which is punishable by death.

The timing of the illness meant he has not joined other former officials in jail and has fueled talk that he was getting special treatment from the army. The military now ruling Egypt deny this and say the case is in the hands of the judiciary.

The six-member medical team appointed by the prosecutor found Mubarak had low blood pressure, weak blood circulation to the brain resulting in frequent fainting and an irregular heartbeat, leaving him at risk of sudden heart attack, the statement said.

It noted he suffered from tumors in his gall bladder and pancreas, for which he has had operations in the past.

(Reporting by Dina Zayed; editing by Michael Roddy)

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All Quiet in Rafah: Egypt's Gaza Border Opens Not with a Bang but a Whisper (Time.com)

When the authorities at the Rafah border terminal closed down their offices on Saturday, they were wrapping up the first day of a new era in Egyptian foreign policy. In a move hailed by many Palestinians and Egyptians as a break from years of unpopular Mubarak-era diplomacy - the joint enforcement, with Israel, of a four-year blockade on the Gaza Strip - Egypt's Supreme Council of the Armed Forces launched a new set of border rules that observers said would give Gazan Palestinians back their pre-blockade freedom.

Palestinian women and children, as well as men under the age of 18 or over the age of 40, are now permitted to enter Egypt for up to one month without a visa. Men between the ages of 18 and 40 may be granted permits to enter for reasons such as enrollment in Egyptian universities or a need for medical treatment. In effect, the new conditions seem to read, Gazans will now have a great deal more freedom to travel outside their 139-square-mile territory, which they have likened to a large, outdoor prison since the blockade was imposed in 2007 after the Islamist group Hamas took control. (See pictures of Israel's assault on Gaza.)

And yet, opening day marked one of the slowest business days that Rafah Crossing had seen in years. Egyptian officials reported that roughly 400 people crossed into Egypt at Rafah on Saturday, and 153 into Gaza. "I think most of the people don't believe they can actually leave the Gaza Strip. It has been a long time," says Said al-Batran, a Palestinian-Danish surgeon who was trying to cross in the opposite direction.

Indeed, the atmosphere inside the arrivals terminal was mysteriously subdued for much of the day. The shouting and tears on either side of the crossing, typical of scenes from the blockaded border's past, were largely absent. A team of medics from the Egyptian Ministry of Health sat idly in a corner with no patients to treat. And only several dozen travellers seemed to populate the hall at any given time. "We noticed today that there were more journalists than Palestinians," observes Ahmed Abu Deraa, an Egyptian journalist from North Sinai. (See why the Rafah crossing was only opened sporadically.)

The Israeli government had warned that opening the border would threaten the region's security; weapons and terrorists would flood across in both directions. Gaza's Islamist rulers, Hamas, would become empowered. Israel's border security would plummet. "Do you see any missiles here?" scoffs a Hamas border official as as small groups of Palestinians trickled through metal detectors, and even fewer drifted out of the Egyptian departures hall into Gaza.

Could it be that Gaza is suffering from denial, as al-Batran suggested? Maybe it's just confusion, Egyptian border officials offered. "It's the weekend, so they probably didn't realize it was open," one customs official says while waiting for customers.

Afaf Hassan, who was on her way to Egypt, suggested the opposite: there was so much anticipation inside the densely-packed Strip that many people had decided to wait out the crowds. "I think a lot of people didn't come because they expected there to be a huge rush," she says. "People were calling me and I told them it's empty. There will probably be a big rush in the next few days." (See pictures of the tunnel economy in the Gaza Strip.)

More likely, others suggested: not a whole lot has changed. A huge proportion of Gaza's population (those men ages 18 to 40) are still largely banned from travel. "The truth about Rafah is that they never opened it. Three days ago it was exactly the same," said Deraa. When the military had announced the shift in policy, he initially expected to see thousands flood across the border. In the end, he says: "It was extreme propaganda - that has backfired because the journalists came and saw it."

Egypt's temporary military caretakers may have every reason to propagandize as the country hurtles through its fourth month of rocky transition after the toppling of President Hosni Mubarak. On Friday, thousands of mostly young activists flooded into Cairo's Tahrir Square for what many dubbed "the Second Revolution" to protest perceived delays in the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces' implementation of the revolution's demands. Those include speedy trials for ex-President Hosni Mubarak and his cronies, better security, economic reforms, and an end to military tribunals for civilians.

See how opening the crossing will "put an end to Palestinian suffering."

But increasingly, the revolutionaries of post-Mubarak Egypt have also focused their attention on foreign policy, particularly reform of Mubarak's steadfast but widely unpopular support for Israel and its enforcement of the Gaza blockade. Four days before the protest, the General Prosecutor's office announced that Mubarak would soon stand trial on charges of conspiring to kill protesters during the uprising. Less than a month earlier, the military had announced that it would loosen the operational procedures at Rafah crossing, easing the blockade for some 1.5 million Palestinians. While widely applauded by the Egyptian public, a number of cynics dismissed the moves as superficial efforts to mollify the would-be demonstrators of Tahrir.

At Rafah, at least thirty angry men were turned away on Saturday, deposited on buses and sent back to Gaza after their names showed up on an Egyptian security blacklist. It's a blacklist that dates to well before Mubarak's departure. "They all came today thinking they would get in because it's a new era," says a senior Egyptian border official. "But many of them have been turned away before." (See a cartoon history of Gaza.)

"They don't like people who look like me," says Abu Mohamed, a 46-year-old Islamist, pulling on his beard. "My beard is too long," he says, retreating to a bus with other religious men who attributed their rejection to their adherence to Dawa, a strict literalist interpretation of Islam.

Jamal Najim, 53, knew that he was turned away because he was among the thousands of Palestinians who flooded into Egypt in 2007, after Palestinian gunmen literally blew a hole in Egypt's blockade. That didn't make him any less angry, and he screamed at Egyptian customs officials until he was escorted out of the terminal. In 2007, he had spent months trapped in Gaza, and was desperate to see his Egyptian wife and daughter. He was arrested in Egypt, blacklisted, and returned. He hasn't seen his family since.

Indeed, much to Palestinians' dismay - and perhaps, to Israel's comfort - Egypt's feared intelligence service, the mukhabarat, continues to wield control over the border terminal, just as it always has. Foreigners and Egyptians still require special permission from Egyptian intelligence to enter Gaza. Even Palestinians who lack Ramallah-issued IDs still face the same difficulties trying to return. The Israeli government revoked Said al-Batran's national ID card in 1981, when he left the Gaza Strip to study in Russia. "Look, I'll show you my passport," he said, flipping through the 19 Egyptian visas, each one for a failed attempt to enter Gaza, that he'd accumulated since 2006. He's trying again now because his 82-year-old mother is gravely ill. So far he has had no luck. (See why tunnels have become a big business into Gaza.)

Most of the faces keeping security at the border haven't changed either, the Egyptian official admits. That includes Major Salama Baraka, Hamas' General Manager of Border Security, who has worked closely with his Egyptian counterparts for the past two years despite the fact that the same officials were also coordinating, at times, with the Israeli government. "We've always had good communication with the Egyptian side," he says. "But now there's the hope that travel for Palestinians will be much easier."

Indeed, it may not mark an end to the blockade, but the revised rules are a welcome change for many Palestinian families who crossed into Egypt successfully. The revolution has helped Egyptians reclaim some of the dignity they lost under Mubarak's repression, they say - and it's slowly trickling across the border to them. "It's better than before," says Issa Ali Nashar, a Hamas official from the Prime Minister's office who was traveling to Cairo for meetings and a doctor's visit. The passage has eased with the new regulations, and the Palestinians are meeting kinder treatment than they used to. "We can feel that things have changed. But we know the change will continue to come step by step."

In the arrivals terminal, Hassan, 62, was calm and optimistic, en route to Jordan for medical treatment. "It used to be that if you needed to go abroad for something, you had to really plan and gather your papers. We used to have to wait all day to cross," she says. "So far, we have only waited an hour."

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Egypt's Mubarak fined for communications cut (Reuters)

CAIRO (Reuters) – An Egyptian administrative court fined ousted President Hosni Mubarak and two former officials 540 million Egyptian pounds ($91 million) on Saturday for cutting mobile and Internet services during protests in January.

It was the first court ruling to be made against Mubarak since he was ousted on February 11. Mubarak faces more serious charges, including ordering the killing of protesters, a charge which could carry the death penalty.

A judicial source said the administrative court fined Mubarak 200 million Egyptian pounds, former Prime Minister Ahmed Nazif 40 million pounds, and former Interior Minister Habib al-Adli 300 million pounds.

The court ruled that Mubarak, Nazif and Adli were guilty of "causing damage to the national economy" and the fines would be paid to the country's treasury.

Political analyst Nabil Abdel Fattah called the ruling "extremely important," saying it would change the way the Egyptian government deals with the communication revolution.

"This ruling will be a turning point for the standing and decisions of some Egyptian entities still living in an authoritarian culture regarding how to deal with communication services and the freedoms they offer," Abdel Fattah said.

The 18-day uprising that toppled Mubarak was largely Web-based, and was organized by groups on Facebook.

MOBILE OPERATORS HAD TO COMPLY

At least 800 people were killed during 18 days of protests that toppled Mubarak, and more than 6,000 were wounded by live ammunition, rubber bullets, water cannon and batons.

Telecoms operator Vodafone said in January it and other mobile operators had no option but to comply with an order from the authorities to suspend services in selected areas of the country during the peak of the anti-government demonstrations.

In February, Vodafone also accused the authorities of using its network to send pro-government text messages to subscribers.

Communications and Information Technology Minister Maged Othman said his ministry planned to pay compensation estimated at around 100 million pounds to mobile telecoms operators for losses caused by the service disruption, the state news agency MENA said. It said the figure was reached by independent bodies.

Adli was sentenced earlier this month to 12 years in jail on separate charges of money laundering and profiteering.

Mubarak, who is detained in a hospital in the Red Sea resort of Sharm el-Sheikh, was ordered on Tuesday to stand trial for the killing of protesters.

Mubarak, who is also accused of abuse of power and wasting public funds, was officially notified on Saturday of his referral to a Cairo criminal court, a judicial source said.

His two sons Alaa and Gamal, who have been held in a Cairo prison on charges of abusing public funds, have also been officially notified of their referral to the criminal court, the source said.

In a separate case, Egyptian prosecutors charged former Information Minister Anas el-Fekky on Saturday with "deliberately harming" funds of the state-run Radio and Television Union (RTU).

The prosecutor said that Fekky was referred to a criminal court for depriving the RTU, which he ran, from earning about $1.9 million in profits by exempting private television stations from the fees for live broadcast of the 2009-2010 football season and the start of the 2010-2011 season.

(Reporting by Shaimaa Fayed; Editing by Sami Aboudi and Louise Ireland)

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Egypt's former first lady set for surgery

Suzanne Mubarak. wife of former Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak, in a file photo from June 7, 2010.A manager of the hospital in the resort town of Sharm el-Sheikh said she suffered a heart attackThe incident occurred shortly after she was ordered detained for 15 days in a corruption caseHosni Mubarak was also questioned about his finances

Cairo, Egypt (CNN) -- Suzanne Mubarak, wife of toppled Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, is expected to undergo open-heart surgery Sunday night, the manager of the Sharm el-Sheikh Hospital said.

Egypt's former first lady suffered a heart attack Friday after being questioned in a corruption investigation, Mohamed Fatah Allah said. She has been treated in the intensive care unit.

The incident came shortly after Suzanne Mubarak was ordered detained for 15 days in a corruption case, the state-run Middle East News Agency reported.

Assem al-Gohary, the assistant justice minister for the Illicit Gains Authority, ordered her detained for "obtaining illegal wealth using her husband's position and political authority."

A team of investigators from the authority, a separate investigative unit under the Ministry of Justice, had questioned the former president in the same hospital for three hours Thursday regarding "using his political position as president to acquire illegal wealth."

"Hosni Mubarak was also questioned about his luxury mansion in Sharm el-Sheikh," al-Gohary said.

Last month, the former president suffered a heart attack during questioning over possible corruption charges, Egyptian state television reported.

But the head doctor from a Ministry of Justice team assisting with the questioning disputed the diagnosis, saying later that the former leader had heart palpitations and was able to walk with assistance.

He was deemed stable enough to allow prosecutors to resume questioning at the hospital, according to the state-owned Al Ahram newspaper.

Mubarak has said the inquiry is aimed at tarnishing his reputation and that of his family.

The former first lady had been scheduled for questioning Thursday, but investigators postponed the interrogation until Friday morning. She was asked about the origin of 20 million Egyptian pounds ($3.4 million) deposited in her name in a local bank account, al-Gohary said.

Both Mubaraks were questioned about accounts in Al Ahly Bank, containing $147 million under their authority, he said.

The Mubaraks signed affidavits allowing investigators to further inquire into their bank accounts and wealth inside and outside Egypt.

Suzanne Mubarak, 70, was treated successfully for leukemia 10 years ago, said Hanaa Gohar, the former first lady's former press contact.

"She was very healthy and very active" before the revolution, Gohar said.

Hosni Mubarak, a U.S. ally and former military commander, resigned in February after nearly three decades in power amid massive demonstrations calling for him to step down.

Journalist Mohamed Fadel Fahmy contributed to this story.

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Minister: Egypt's Mubarak could face death penalty

CAIRO (AP) — Egypt's justice minister says that ousted President Hosni Mubarak would face the death penalty if convicted of ordering the shooting of protesters during the uprisings that brought him down.

Mohammed el-Guindi told the daily Al-Ahram Saturday that Mubarak, his two sons and wife are also facing allegations of corruption.

He added that former first lady Suzanne Mubarak will be questioned for the first time in a few days over her illicit amassing of wealth.

El-Guindi blamed Mubarak for the country's widespread corruption during his almost 30-year-rule.

Mubarak, 82, stepped down in February and was placed under arrest in the Sharm el-Sheikh hospital due to heart problems. At least 846 protesters have been killed during the uprising.

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Minister: Egypt's Mubarak could face death penalty

CAIRO (AP) — Egypt's justice minister says that ousted President Hosni Mubarak would face the death penalty if convicted of ordering the shooting of protesters during the uprisings that brought him down.

Mohammed el-Guindi told the daily Al-Ahram Saturday that Mubarak, his two sons and wife are also facing allegations of corruption.

He added that former first lady Suzanne Mubarak will be questioned for the first time in a few days over her illicit amassing of wealth.

El-Guindi blamed Mubarak for the country's widespread corruption during his almost 30-year-rule.

Mubarak, 82, stepped down in February and was placed under arrest in the Sharm el-Sheikh hospital due to heart problems. At least 846 protesters have been killed during the uprising.

Copyright 2011 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

For more information about reprints & permissions, visit our FAQ's. To report corrections and clarifications, contact Standards Editor Brent Jones. For publication consideration in the newspaper, send comments to letters@usatoday.com. Include name, phone number, city and state for verification. To view our corrections, go to corrections.usatoday.com.We've updated the Conversation Guidelines. Changes include a brief review of the moderation process and an explanation on how to use the "Report Abuse" button. Read more.

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